It may seem strange, albeit truthful, to admit that IRA’s funerals sometimes acted as a tool to transition Sinn Féin from violence to peace, bridging the gap from guns to democratic governance. One could make a case for the funerals of the IRA, particularly those of the hunger strikers, playing a part in shaping Sinn Féin’s political trajectory, allowing the party to envision itself within reach of the Government Buildings. However, IRA interments have also presented complications and detrimental incidences for Sinn Féin.
For Troubles republicans, regardless of their association with Provisional, Official, or dissident factions, this weekend holds substantial significance. They gather at assorted burial grounds and destinations across the nation to honour their fallen comrades, and pay tribute to the executed leaders of the 1916 Easter uprising. The laying to rest of the IRA members has often sparked debates, or even ignited tension. This was precisely the case in 1988 when Mairead Farrell, Daniel McCann, and Sean Savage, who lost their lives in Gibraltar to the SAS, were returned home and laid to rest in the republican domain of the Milltown Cemetery in West Belfast.
The following week saw horrific incidents unfold, including loyalist Michael Stone committing a triple murder at the cemetery. Three days on from that, British army corporals Derek Wood and David Howes were beaten, striped and murdered on wasteland during the funeral of Caoimhín Mac Brádaigh. This succession of burials turned into a nightmarish ordeal.
There was also widespread indignation following the funeral of Thomas Begley, who perished due to his own bomb that claimed the lives of nine innocents on Shankill Road in October 1993. Sinn Féin’s Gerry Adams’ decision to help carry Begley’s coffin was perceived as poor taste. However, it may have been a necessary action from Adams to prevent discord within the republican community at a time when the peace proceedings were gathering momentum.
In 2018, Sinn Féin justified its attendance at a commemoration of the 25th anniversary of Begley’s demise – insisting on the duty to attend “respectful commemorations for fallen comrades”. A different kind of controversy surfaced in 2021 when thousands showed up for ex-IRA member Bobby Storey’s funeral amidst Covid, with debates over violation of social distancing rules.
From the republican perspective, acknowledging the demise of one of the architects of The Great Escape, the 1983 IRA-led escape of 38 inmates from the Maze Prison, was vital. This individual was also the brains behind the enormous £26.5 million theft from Northern Bank and the intrusion into the so-called unbreachable special branch offices of Castlereagh RUC in east Belfast.
The hunger strikes in 1981, which resulted in the death of ten republicans, set the foundation for the future political triumph of Sinn Féin across the border. Bobby Sands, being the first to pass away, had an estimated 100,000 attendees to his funeral. This high number of attendees at the next funerals served as proof to Adams, Martin McGuinness, and Danny Morrison that politics could also represent a pathway to progress. Hence, the ascent of Sinn Féin began with these events.
Now, Mary Lou McDonald and Michelle O’Neill would prefer nothing unforeseen to hinder this progression. Coincidentally, the recent losses of Rose Dugdale and Pearse McAuley prompted an uncomfortable parallel for Sinn Féin, with Dugdale praised and McAuley shunned even post-death. The typical Irish reticence or scepticism to talk negatively about the deceased didn’t seem to apply to McAuley, who served time for the wrongful killing of Det Gda Jerry McCabe in Limerick in 1996, and for the 2014 attack on his former spouse, Pauline Tully, who is now a Sinn Féin TD. This rejection has likely irked the traditional republicans.
However, the commemoration of Rose Dugdale was a different scenario. Despite this, the party’s handling of her funeral had certain nuances. Her privileged background and involvement in one of the most notorious global art thefts, along with a failed helicopter bomb assault on the RUC base in Strabane, added an element of intrigue to her story.
In honour of her life, key figures of the veteran republican assembly including Gerry Adams, Martina Anderson, Marion Coyle, Jim Monaghan (Dugdale’s partner), and Dessie Ellis congregated in strong numbers. However, notable new leaders, Mary Lou McDonald and Michelle O’Neill, were absent, seemingly implying a deliberate space between the militant history and the current political scene. This turn of events was likely wise as Sinn Féin works towards its target to administer the Republic. Political adversaries are likely to highlight past occurrences and funerals of those associated with the IRA.
Senator Michael McDowell was the first to incite debate by referring to Dugdale’s involvement in bomb production, potentially causing countless fatalities in Northern Ireland and Colombia. Typically, Sinn Féin’s rebuttal to such accusations is an insistence to leave history in the past, envisaging “the war is over”. They want to focus on current issues and the looming future, targeting “real issues” like housing and costs of living.
Although this approach has been successful to date, it doesn’t deter Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil from reviving the republican history as the general election looms. This may become a prominent aspect of what could potentially be a tough campaign. The funerals of Rose Dugdale and Pearse McAuley prompted memories that reinforced American writer William Burroughs’ statement, “The past is never dead. It’s not even past.”