Simon Harris is set to celebrate his centenary day as Ireland’s Taoiseach this upcoming Thursday, July 18th. Given the typical term duration, he is likely at, or nearing, the midway point. In precisely another 100 days, on October 26th, there is anticipation that Harris might be in the throes of an electoral campaign, if he sticks to everyone’s expectation- both supporters and non-supporters- and declares a general election come fall.
Though 100 days may seem insufficient to effectively assess anyone, such a time-frame will have to suffice in this case. Furthermore, a characteristic trait of Harris’s career is the fast-paced nature of events.
So, how does his performance stack up until now?
One thing is for certain- Harris has had lots on his plate. His unchallenged win for the Fine Gael leadership mirrors, among other aspects, the party’s political vulnerability at that juncture. Harris assured his party of “fresh vigor”, and has not disappointed in that promise; he has maintained an intense timetable. An assistant quipped, partially in jest, during the local election campaign that “He’s going to exhaust us”. An unceasing barrage of press briefings and remarks on a spectrum of topics, both significant and trivial, emanates from the Government Buildings. Should you have overlooked any of these, Harris’s various social media accounts, including Instagram and TikTok, are there to keep you updated on his activities.
Simon Harris commences his day bright and early around 5am, and gets prepped up for the day before waking his two young children. Usually, he makes it to the Taoiseach’s office before half past seven. This is rather different than the previous regime, which has taken the staff by surprise. On a typical day, he remains in the office till 8 or 9 in the evening. Nonetheless, on Thursdays and Fridays, attempts are made to make Harris more visible around the region. He always sets aside some weekend time for his family- as much as permitted by his responsibilities. For, he’s never not the Taoiseach.
An examination of the official schedule for a handful of arbitrary days reveals the relentless tempo and the degree to which the role of a taoiseach demands substantial mental and physical resilience.
Just to illustrate, here is what the typical Monday of May 13th looked like: Morning phone call at 8.30 am with Anthony Albanese, the Australian Prime Minister, followed by a live interview with Pat Kenny on Newstalk at 9 am. A meeting with the then leader of Green Party and coalition partner, Eamon Ryan, was held at 10 am, which was swiftly trailed by a staff meeting just half an hour later. At the same time, a meeting with the secretary general of the Department of Taoiseach, John Callinan, was also scheduled.
By 11.30 am, the Taoiseach had to be transferred to Áras an Uachtaráin for one of his routine ‘article 28’ meetings to keep President Michael D Higgins updated with local and global matters. Afternoon resumed at 1.30 pm back at the Government Buildings, where a phone conversation with Slovenian Prime Minister, Robert Golob, was scheduled for 2 pm, followed by a meeting at 2.30 pm with Fine Gael general secretary John Carroll. Activities culminated at 3.30 pm with a formal briefing by authorities ahead of the Cabinet Committee on Children, Education and Disability.
A meeting with both Ryan and Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin, government partner, was due to start by 6:30 pm and expected to conclude by 8 pm, although it usually runs late. For instance, the meeting on the previous Monday (July 8th) did not end until 10.30 pm. Furthermore, it must be recognised that the Taoiseach plays a significant role in most of these meetings and must always be at their best.
These meetings vary in purpose, some being for information gathering and briefings, while others are decision-making sessions. Decision-making is a fundamental aspect of the Taoiseach’s responsibility. It is reported that Harris takes inspiration from the methods of Enda Kenny, his predecessor; the latter advised his ministers during his term to “keep making decisions,” as it was acknowledged that while all decisions wouldn’t result in success, progress and action necessitate continual decision-making. Recently, Kenny was welcomed to the Taoiseach’s office by Harris.
Clearly, the principle isn’t without its constraints; decision-making in a coalition government can only be achieved upon consensus. Minister Harris still awaits approval on issues like financing for the national broadcasting corporation, RTÉ, and the fate of the hate crime Bill; an item he discreetly advanced as acting justice minister last year, though it has since been subsumed in public discourse.
Official reports indicate “three or four” Cabinet committee discussions per week, each allotted a span of 90 minutes. The goal is to glean three resolutions from every gathering. The Taoiseach often takes up the challenging task of dismantling “silos”, leveraging the influence of his office to facilitate coordination between various government departments and agencies. He’s known for his impatience, frequently seeking rapid meetings and briefing papers – much to the chagrin of some officials.
Harris hasn’t pushed for a new direction or focus for the government. This isn’t possible in a coalition government that has been steered by a four-year-old negotiated and agreed upon Programme for Government. Nonetheless, Harris’s influence has been palpable both within the government and notably within his own party.
Harris was mindful of the importance of cultivating trusting relationships with Martin (whom he openly reveres), Ryan, and Roderic O’Gorman, the newly christened Green Party leader. However, tensions exist. Harris’s tendency to remark on– and as his government partners interpret– appropriate credit for all the Coalition’s activities has irked some partners.
Fianna Fáil members are compiling a log of their significant accomplishments within the government, which they purport are being commandeered by Fine Gael. In truth, such contention is anticipated and set to exacerbate as election season looms. Harris, as Taoiseach, will need to better navigate this facet of the Coalition relationship.
In his own party, however, Harris has effectuated a dramatic shift in mood. He was tasked with rejuvenating Fine Gael politically as he stepped into the roles of party leader (in March) and Taoiseach (in April). His triumph on this front is evident. The party’s perspective metamorphosed almost instantly after his induction as leader and sustained throughout the successful local and European election campaigns in early June. As the upcoming election looms, Fine Gael is brimming with a newfound confidence – unthinkable just a few months prior.
After the Tory’s electoral meltdown, Keir Starmer, the new Prime Minister of the UK, extended an invitation to Simon Harris to visit Downing Street. In his first 100 days, Harris addressed significant issues such as acknowledging Palestine, a challenge he eagerly tackled. His response to a soldier’s sentencing following an assault on Natasha O’Brien on Limerick’s streets showed his knack for demonstrating empathy – an instrumental quality of any successful political leader. He also extended his apologies to the families of the 1981 Stardust fire victims.
Critics often argue that his attention is excessively focused on Public Relations. This isn’t entirely false as his advisory team is overwhelmingly composed of former journalists and PR professionals. Harris, blessed with innate communication skills, understands the importance of effective communication in political leadership. However, he recognises that it does not singularly define leadership but is necessary.
Long-term policy decisions and the strategic course of the government equally stem from the Taoiseach’s office. However, Harris’s broader vision for the state or a detailed plan of achieving it remains unclear. Critics argue that his leadership thus far lacks a discernible depth. He managed the immediate tasks efficiently but without reshaping the political landscape.
Notwithstanding, it’s still early days in Harris’s premiership, a period packed with accelerated experiences for everyone involved. Not everything can be addressed at once. His leadership will ultimately be judged against the outcome of the next elections, a prospect that seems brighter now than it was on the first day of his premiership.