Here’s an innovative concept for revenue-poor RTÉ to attract more viewers. With Dancing with the Stars wrapping up for this year, it’s an apt moment to introduce a new entertainment genre: line dancing. Picture a group all clad in cowboy hats, moving in sync to the left, then to the right. Surely, Leinster House won’t lack enthusiastic contestants. The show could go by the name of Dancing with the Tsars, taking place in the Dáil chamber, a place where politicians lately have been exuberantly swaying with the rhythm, just like as if they were under the dazzling disco lights.
Through Sinn Féin’s rapid political shift and its about-face on the hate speech Bill, the clichéd celebrity contender chatter about their “journey” is given a fresh interpretation. Despite backing the Criminal Justice (Incitement to Violence or Hatred and Hate Offences) Bill at the report stage in the Dáil on April 26th, the party, currently keen on promoting itself for governance, is adamant on revoking the Bill. This abrupt reversal surely doesn’t relate to Sinn Féin’s recent slump in approval ratings and its grim performance in the 2019 local elections.
This turnaround marks the party’s second significant change in stance this month. The initial occurrence was breaching Mary Lou McDonald’s pre-election commitment that, in the event of the family and care referendums being dismissed, she would reissue them using the Citizens’ Assembly suggested phrasing if she was in authority. Not long after the decisive No votes were tallied did the backtracking commence.
Additionally, there’s conjecture that Harris might reassign McEntee, who the right has pegged as ‘woke’ issues defender in the Cabinet.
Amidst the turmoil stirred by the public’s decision in recent referendums, politicians are scrambling to display more right-leaning ideologies. Leo Varadkar’s resignation, largely blamed on these unsuccessful referendums, has cleared the way for Simon Harris, the newly appointed leader of Fine Gael, noted for his endorsement of drunken disorderly legislation. Harris is emphasising “law and order” as he prepares for his expected role as Taoiseach. As stand-in Justice Minister during Helen McEntee’s maternity break, he had driven the hate Bill through the Dáil, however, the future administration under his leadership is anticipated to abandon this initiative, potentially quashing it due to its inactivity until the current Government dissolves and all unfinished Bills lapse. Speculation is rife that Harris might reshuffle McEntee, who has become the right-wing’s target for her advocacy of “progressive” issues in the Cabinet, in spite of her significant contributions to domestic violence reforms.
Meanwhile, ex-Fine Gael minister for rural and community development, Michael Ring, criticises his party’s “overly liberal” position, calling for a re-embrace of “traditional values”, signalling the commencement of a competition for the conservative Irish electorate’s support. Independent TDs Michael Collins and Richard O’Donoghue launched their new party, Independent Ireland, back in November, aligning themselves with European Conservatives and Reformists, a Euro-sceptic faction in the European Parliament favouring tighter immigration measures. With the addition of Michael Fitzmaurice to Independent Ireland last month, the party’s size in the Dáil is now three times that of Peadar Tóibín’s Aontú.
However, it lacks the level of impact Tóibín had on the referendum results. His initial election as a Sinn Féin TD ended due to his opposition to abortion. He collaborated with other conservatives like Senators Rónán Mullen, Michael McDowell and Sharon Keogan, David Quinn and Maria Steen of the Iona Institute, as well as the Catholic bishops, to challenge the proposed amendments.
The growth of misogyny and racism offences shows that they are becoming alarmingly ordinary. Notably, reported hate crimes are escalating, and the current laws fall short in addressing them.
Mullen, McDowell, and Keogan have expressed their opposition towards the hate speech Bill, presenting a valid reason. The legislation, although essential for implementing the EU framework and replacing the rather ineffectual Prohibition of Incitement to Hatred Act 1989, is deficient and requires alterations. This act originated prior to the internet’s vast expansion. Bermuda House, seeming remarkably quiet about the critical necessity of libel law reform, contrasts sharply with those vigorously advocating for X’s freedom of speech. Both misogyny and racism, becoming ever more widespread, are inadequately managed by existing legislation, although reports of hate crimes are increasing.
In 2019, a young family of mixed heritage were victims of online hate speech from far-right activist Gemma O’Doherty and others after featuring in a Lidl ad. Despite Brendan Ogle, an ex-union leader, filing a complaint leading to a Garda inquiry, the current hate laws deemed the case unwinnable for prosecution. Facing a death threat, the family left Ireland.
Sinn Féin is courting danger by attempting to align with the seemingly shifting public sentiment. The party would do well to heed the childhood warning about permanent grimacing should the wind direction change. The failed referendums had several causes, one of which includes anti-liberal voting. If Mary Lou McDonald hopes to become the first female taoiseach after the upcoming election, she may need to forge alliances with the Labour Party, Social Democrats, and potentially some left-wing TDs. If she continues to adjust her stance according to fluctuating public sentiment, alliance-building may become challenging.
The political reconstitution being beneficial to democracy is a promising sign. Under Harris’s leadership, it is predicted that Fine Gael will become the largest faction among the 3½ right-wing factions in the Dáil.
Fine Gael, on the contrary, should persist in reverting to its original conservative realm where early-risers are given priority. The epoch of the universal political party concluded in the prior century, around February 1987 when the specialised Progressive Democrats, later led by McDowell, secured 14 Dáil seats. There’s a considerable conservative group in Ireland that necessitates representation. Should its concerns be silenced in the Dáil Éireann, even more radical substitutes could take its place.
The restructuring of politics can have a salubrious effect on democracy. The signs indicate that, under the steerage of Harris, Fine Gael will form the largest faction among three-and-a-half right-leaning Dáil groups, which include the Rural Independents led by Mattie McGrath and the Healy Raes. Despite the desires of Willie O’Dea and Éamon Ó Cuív for a rightward shift, Fianna Fáil remains in the political middle ground under the leadership of Micheál Martin, alongside the Greens. The left-wing balance is maintained by Labour, the Social Democrats, and theoretically, Sinn Féin.
This diversity of political philosophies allows for a broader range of options for the voters and restricts the room for the disseminating falsehoods of those with extremist views who are adverse to democracy.