In the Salameh home hangs portraits of Nour (22) and Munir (24), sons of Falasteen Salameh, with smiles still present on their faces. Their beards, one topped with a baseball cap, the other donning an Adidas jacket, bears witness to the last time Salameh laid eyes on his sons prior to their arrest last November. Since then, the family haven’t been allowed visitation and have got wind of one of the brothers losing a tooth, or perhaps more, due to a severe beating in custody.
According to the United Nations Human Rights Office, this scenario is not isolated to the Salamehs, with thousands of Palestinians in Israel and across the West Bank subjected to random detention, sometimes extended and without communication, by Israeli forces since previous October. The UN further recorded claims of torture and inhuman treatment, inclusive of sexual abuse of both genders, confirming that up to last July, 53 Palestinian prisoners had died.
Salameh was also taken by soldiers, 20 days after his sons were removed from the home. She vividly recalls the arresting officer reminding her that he’d vowed to Nour that he’d also take his mother into custody. Merely 5ft tall, Salameh recounts being blindfolded and having her hands bound. Accused of aiding terrorism merely by feeding and sheltering her sons, she was sentenced to six months detention and a fine of 3,000 shekels (about €730) by a military court.
Salameh’s imprisonment took place at Damon prison, Haifa, some 60km from the arrest scene. The irony was not lost on her, as her forefathers had once owned land in Haifa before they were ousted by the Israelis. This was not the manner in which she had envisaged visiting.
Ritaj, Salameh’s 3-year-old daughter, was present at her mother’s arrest. The sight of her little girl with the familiar chubby cheeks and dark curls, sitting barefoot on an armchair as soldiers marched her mother away is etched in Salameh’s mind, even though she tried to avoid looking at her for fear of the memory it would plant.
Ahmed, the spouse of Salameh, recalls how he pleaded with the soldiers to abstain from their actions. He presents a video documenting the wreckage of their residence: a door violently broken down, windows shattered, a blackened wall from a missile strike and bullet holes littering the restricted pathway to their home. Additionally, a black Star of David was defaced on another neighbouring wall.
In the ensuing months, Ahmed notes changes in his daughter’s conduct. Rituals once routine, such as using the toilet, became causes of anxiety and bedwetting. The sound of an air-raid siren prompted her to cry out in fear. To console his daughter, Ritaj, Ahmed claimed that her mother had gone shopping for a new toy, resulting in him purchasing a doll for Salameh to give to Ritaj upon her release a month earlier in order to maintain truth in his words.
Salameh’s prison experience was distressing, being prohibited visitors and cohabiting with 13 other prisoners. Her daily routine was to spend one hour outside for fresh air and a shower. The food was barely enough to keep up with her nutritional needs, causing her to lose about 20kg.
Since her release, Salameh mentions that Ritaj clings to her, even following her into the bathroom out of fear that she may be abandoned again. Complicating matters further, her sons, suspected of resistance, remain uncharged and unvisited except by a solicitor. Her only source of news about them is the communication with released inmates.
Salameh confesses she is unsure of her sons’ association. She affirms, “They were in the company of their friends, engaged in the camp’s activities but the specifics remains unknown to me. I seriously doubt they would fill me in.” Despite her unknowing, their arrests at the tender ages of 15 and 17 were not shocking. Salameh stated that at that time they resorted to stone-throwing or hurling Molotov cocktails, a crime that may earn a 20-year jail sentence for Palestinian young ones according to Save the Children, a charity organisation. They had not yet acquired more advanced weaponry, she reflects.
Salameh maintains that her sons are not unique, insisting that Israelis are attacking everyone regardless of their affiliation with any battalion.
The Jenin refugee camp in the northern part of West Bank is not difficult to identify with battalion vehicles, which are used by local Palestinian militants. Notably, they lack license plates and keep their windows up in contrast to the general instruction for others to keep theirs down. This is irrespective of the dust and debris carried through the air by vehicle movement across the regularly bulldozed roads – a ramification of what local inhabitants believe to be a purposeful destruction of infrastructure by Israelis. An IDF spokesperson has claimed that dozens of explosive devices have been found on these roads and their vicinity, hence the need for engineering interventions to neutralise them.
For as long as anyone can remember, the Jenin refugee camp has been a hotbed of Palestinian militancy. Despite being referred to as a ‘camp’, it mirrora an urban neighbourhood. It was established in the aftermath of the war in 1948 as a dwelling for Palestinians displaced from their ancestral lands during the event known in Arabic as ‘Nakba’ or ‘disaster’. Here, generations have experienced life under military occupation. As per information from the Palestinian authority, the camp’s current population stands at around 17,000 and the city itself is home to approximately 68,000 inhabitants.
Israelis frequently carry out military incursions into the area, resulting in many residents being expelled. Some preserve their contact information on their damaged homes with messages of hope to return.
Salameh views these raids as Israel’s ‘retribution’ and ‘mass punishment’ for the Hamas attacks on October 7th, 2023. “To me, the Israeli occupation symbolises an invasion,” she states. “We are caught up in a real confrontation, a genuine battle. My priority at the moment is my daughter – her safety is my sole concern.” Her daughter sleeps soundly on her lap.
Two of Salameh’s nephews have been killed in the conflict – one of them being 28-year-old battalion commander, Adham Jabarin. Jawad Bouaqneh, a 57-year-old father of six, was fatally wounded while trying to administer first aid to Jabarin.
Salameh shares the harrowing reality of life under occupation, “We have grown accustomed to it, anticipating martyrdom at any point,” he says. “The death of a fighter is somewhat justified, for they bear arms against the oppressors; those who perish without provocation within the confines of their homes are the true victims.”
“Sparing none, the Israeli occupation is utterly inhumane,” claims Ahmed. His disquiet is palpable as he guides me out of their dwelling, directing my attention toward the intrusive buzzing sound overhead. Assured it’s an Israeli spy drone, his unease mounts. “They assaulted me and my wife. They dragged us out in front of our terrified child… our outrage over their oppressive policies and actions is deeply entrenched.”
While global eyes fall mainly on Gaza’s mass casualties and devastation, experts suggest the West Bank has suffered a less conspicuous form of warfare over the years. According to UN data, nearly 1,000 Palestinians were killed between January 2020 and early June 2024, with at least 271 fatalities in the Jenin governorate alone. Israeli casualties during the same timeframe show 84 fatalities, including six in Jenin.
Children are succumbing to this violence too often – Unicef reports a child fatality in the region every other day since the previous October. Based on a BBC Analysis, the region’s deadliest spot was Jenin last year.
The extent of this violence endured by children is heartrendingly visible in the drawings by young inhabitants of the Jenin Refugee Camp’s ‘Not to Forget’ Centre. Depictions of violent raids and bloodshed exist alongside portraits of their friends, sunshine, and trees.
A 12-year-old girl, dressed all in pink, sketches the Jenin camp as a prison. “The blood that haunts our camp is represented here,” she shares.
A lad of 13 shows me a sketch of a large house, with a hidden chamber designed for freedom fighters seeking refuge. “They’re our protectors,” he conveys. He recounts that two of his uncles and a cousin were among the dead battalion members. As his patriotic spirit shines through, he aspires to become a paramedic in the future, “Our duty is to stand by these brave souls, who have sacrificed their lives and homes for our sake,” he concludes.
A young girl of 11 years, dons pink-tinted spectacles as she writes “Gaza” on the Palestinian flag. “We’ll never forget Gaza’s children,” she declares. She admits her aunt lives in Gaza and her father was taken into custody during a raid.
On consultation with Eitan Diamond, of the Diakonia International Humanitarian Law Centre in Jerusalem, it was revealed that in line with international law, inhabitants of an occupied region do not owe allegiance to the ruling power. To them, the governing entity is an imposed force that gained control via armed aggression. While a certain degree of resistance is deemed lawful, it must maintain legality, such as refraining from civilian attacks and focusing on military targets.
Confidential conversations with three affiliates of the Jenin battalion, established in mid-2021, revealed that despite 75 known fatalities among the members, new enrolment rates are on the rise, resulting in a current strength of at least 200 individuals.
The oldest member (26) outlined that the Jenin Battalion is a locally-led organisation linked with the Palestinian Islamic Jihad Al-Quds Brigades, enjoying partial backing from Iran. Notably, their combat largely takes place during Israeli raids, and occasionally involved shootings at military posts. The member underlined their independence from Hamas or Fatah, yet acknowledged collaboration with them. To stay current with Israeli operations, they liaise on Telegram. Daily duties, carried out in six-hour shifts, can range from information collection, camp entrance surveillance, to bomb making, with the youngest participating members being just 14-years old.
Upon inquiring whether their arms supply sources include Iran or Hizbullah in Lebanon, he confessed that most weapons are either “handmade” or “altered,” constructed from miscellaneous parts and are not technologically advanced. Despite the prevalent discourse regarding the resistance alliance with Hizbullah and Iran, they don’t recognise the weaponry being deliberated.
Despite the severe backlash following the killing of civilians in Israel on October 7th, all three members of the Jenin battalion I corresponded with voiced their support for the Hamas offensives of that day, in which Israeli sources claim approximately 1,200 lives were lost, with the major portion being civilians. One 26-year-old member extolled, “We laud the actions of Hamas… They have brought the Palestinian cause back to the forefront.”
When questioned about the potential accomplishments of their combatants, he queried, “Do we possess any other options? We refuse to capitulate or to give in. We will fight until the bitter end.”
He levels serious accusations against the Palestinian Authority (PA) – created in the 90s during the Oslo Accords and peace negotiations, and currently holding limited sway over the West Bank – of intentional misinformation campaigns and breeding conflict in an attempt to quash their forces.
“They are merely pawns, betraying us by facilitating the Israeli occupation,” he claims, recounting an incident in which the PA security apparatus allegedly slew a young member of the Jenin battalion during an attempted apprehension.
He revealed that the PA had suggested battalion members surrender their arms and enrol in their security ranks, but bluntly stated “We don’t trust them…The PA is implicated in a dubious game here.” A common sentiment among Palestinians across the West Bank is that the PA is steeped in corruption, lacks democratic accountability, and is unproductive, with its privileged class content with maintaining the status quo while dreams of a Palestinian state recede further. The last parliamentary and presidential elections took place respectively in 2006 and 2005, with further elections consistently being deferred.
When a raid is anticipated in Jenin, locals are clued in by the withdrawal of PA security personnel. “This really puts us in an awkward position as an authority,” conveyed Jenin’s governor, Kamal Abu Al-Rob, during an office meeting. He explains that as per the Oslo Accords stipulations, Palestinian security officers are obligated to vanish when Israelis set foot in a Palestinian region. “We are really strained… We are hampered from taking action.”
Displayed behind him, one can see a photograph of his son, Shamekh, a doctor of 25 years who was tragically killed by Israeli forces in the November that went by. An official from the IDF declared that during the fatal day of Shamekh’s death, IDF troops were on a mission to capture a pair of “individuals of interest”, when they were attacked by “terrorists who launched explosives and opened fire”. Retaliating, the soldiers reciprocated the gunfire, only to later receive “accounts” of “Palestinians being wounded”. Abu Al-Rob’s other child, a third-year medical scholar, was also harmed and continues to grapple with walking without aid.
“What makes one think that the militants in the camp are not aspiring for a tranquil life?… For Palestinians, it is a dream to finally live in a sovereign nation, where they can enjoy peace, have an independent community and operate an autonomous economy” states Mohamad Kamil, representative of the Jenin Chamber of Commerce.
Despite his heart-breaking personal experience, Abu Al-Rob does not approve of violent resistance. In his words, “It isn’t effective” He reinforces, “There is no equilibrium of power here, you witness armed factions combatting a sizeable organised military, we don’t foresee a victory on any basis”. He firmly believes that adherence to international treaties and maintaining peace, could potentially pave the way for Palestine to establish its own sovereign state within the forthcoming years. Countries, such as Ireland, he emphasises, have already acknowledged a Palestinian state.
However, this stance of Abu Al-Rob is upheld despite legal practitioners asserting that Israel is failing to stick to its treaties or abide by international legislation. This is not confined only to Gaza, where approximately 40,000 individuals have lost their lives, with majority of them being civilians. “While an occupier is permitted to impose law… the offensive conducted by Israel in Jenin was excessive and lawless due to such rationale,” states Diamond.
Abu Al-Rob presents paperwork indicating he was informed of close to 2,500 operations carried out by Israel, from October 7th, 2023 to mid-July 2024. These operations included arrests, incursions and air attacks, with approximately 80% happening within the confines of the Jenin refugee camp. He articulates the harsh reality that the governorate, with its populace close to 375,000, has had to endure an infrastructure loss of roughly 150 million shekels (€35.86 million) – occurring at the very moment when the Israelis are withholding taxes from the PA. The Palestinians too are confronted with dwindling trade profits, exacerbated by rising unemployment due to border and checkpoint closures by Israel from October 7th, leading to mass job losses for those employed in Israel.
In addition to these economic struggles, Abu Al-Rob expresses a deep concern about cultural losses. He states he believes the Israeli incursions embody an attempt to “expunge our history.” He points to the deliberate destruction of historically significant sites and theft of bricks from ancient edifices as evidence of this belief.
A spokesperson from the IDF maintains that their forces’ actions are focused on combatting terror groups within the Judea and Samaria regions [Israel’s name for the occupied West Bank] and the Jordan Valley. They report a substantial increase in attempted attacks since October 7th, with the total surpassing 2,000 since that date. The IDF ensures that counter-terror operations take place nightly to detain these suspects, many of whom are affiliated with Hamas.
The spokesperson adds that the IDF does not specifically target civilians and their infrastructure. However, in the West Bank, “terrorists resort to utilising civilian buildings, even medical and religious ones, to undertake their terror activities, unwittingly putting regular civilians at risk.” The IDF’s approach is to dismantle the potential risks posed by civilian buildings and infrastructure being exploited by these terror factions. Furthermore, they state that searches of civilian buildings suspected of concealing weapons have yielded large quantities of seized weaponry and highly dangering explosives.
Mohamad Kamil, who is in charge of the Chamber of Commerce in Jenin, equated the circumstance in his town to that of Gaza, describing it as a severe form of apartheid and even ethnic cleansing. He highlights the desire for peace among the fighters in these areas, dreaming of a standalone Palestinian state with its own community and economy. Kamil raises a poignant question, asking if it’s reasonable to expect someone to remain calm and resilient if their home is unjustly taken from them.
In a separate incident, Karam, a twelve-year-old boy, recounts the assassination of Nidal Al-Amer that he witnessed. Karam was occupied with helping wash cars at his uncle’s business when the assassination took place abruptly. A 4×4 vehicle seemingly crashed into Al-Amer, which Karam initially believed to be a regular accident. However, when the occupants of the car called out the deceased’s name, Karam understood that they belonged to an Israeli undercover unit. Al-Amer had been suspected of orchestrating an explosion that took the life of an Israeli sniper team head in June.
Recalling the traumatic incident, Karam describes how he stood frozen in fear, and quickly informed his father, Rami, about the tragedy. Upon arrival, his father found Karam staring at the blood from the assassination. Since that day, fear has deeply affected Karam, prompting him to suggest leaving during raids. Nonetheless, he also harbours aspirations of joining the battalion to defend his beloved home.
A year prior, Karam shared with me a memorable journey he had taken to Turkey as part of a traditional dabke dance troupe, all hailing from their stinted homes in the camp. Yet despite the new surroundings, he found himself yearning for Jenin. “I find much fondness for the camp,” he admitted. “We’re all intimately familiar with each other here. It’s a place of humanity, of powerful human connections. It’s not just the aura of the place, it’s the spirit of its residents. Should a stranger stop by, they’d be met with open arms, with an eagerness to help, to sustain. It instils a sense of pride in me.”
His view of the Israeli soldiers is one of inherent disdain, seeing them as fear-ridden. “They never confront our warriors in a direct fight, they employ air assaults or send in covert squads. I firmly believe Israel has no justifiable claim to even intrude our camp, even in times of defiance, we never afflict them to the degree they impose harm on us.”
Today, young minds in the camp are set on joining the ranks, he admits. “In the camp, no one harbours thoughts that extend beyond the fight, beyond seeking alternate paths in life. I, too, yearn to join the battle and if fate decides my end, then heaven awaits.”
Earlier this annual cycle, during an evening meal in Ramadan known as iftar, Karam revealed a chilling disclosure to his clan that this might be his final Ramadan before meeting his end as a warrior. His father Rami, a 44-year-old cab driver, gave a pained frown at the recollection of that moment.