Prior to the conflict that ignited on the 7th of October between Israel and Hamas, citizens of the Palestinian village Zanuta situated in the parched hills of the Israeli-occupied West Bank had grown accustomed to assaults from Jewish settlers. However, the post-war violence spiralled to such extremes propelling the 140 villagers to abandon their homes.
57-year-old farmer, Faris Samamri, took refuge in the neighbouring Shuweika, describes his living conditions as infernal, having faced endless harassment, attacks, and destruction inflicted by the settlers. He shares how the settlers assaulted the residents, damaged their water reserves, barricaded their pathways, and unnerved their livestock. The settlers made life unbearable for them, leaving them with no choice but to vacate.
The mass displacement of the Zanuta citizens, mirrored throughout the West Bank, marked the start of a period of upheaval since the inception of the battle between Israel and Hamas. The West Bank, seen as the future home by Palestinians due to its history, has been held by Israel for over half a century.
As the world’s attention fixated on the ruin of Gaza, combative settler hostility, escalated military incursions, insistent settlement expansion, and harsh economic strain have hammered the West Bank. The repercussions of these actions will likely resound for decades, hastening the decades-long implantation of Jewish settlements – which is deemed illegal by most nations.
This further debilitates an already faltering Palestinian Authority (PA), which has restricted self-rule in the territory, particularly as global leaders champion it to manage both Gaza and the West bank following the cessation of the Israel and Hamas warfare.
Government officials from the US, Arab nations, and Europe view an overhauled PA as a key entity to fill the power void in Gaza and to drive the two-state resolution for the Israeli-Palestinian discord.
However, confidence in the PA, established in the 1990s as a prelude to a Palestinian state, has dwindled among Palestinians. Concurrently, the government of Binyamin Netanyahu, globally acknowledged as the most conservative in Israeli chronicles, contains ultra-nationalist settlers who have brazenly voiced threats to destabilise it, with intentions to annex the West Bank.
Ghassan Khatib, a Palestinian academic at Birzeit University, expresses that today’s Israel is vastly different from the Israel they engaged in agreements with three decades ago. He believes that Israel is uninterested in having a political counterpart on their side, which has resulted in considerable strain on the Palestinian Authority (PA). He highlights this by noting the escalating settlement expansions, settler attacks, and incursions, leading the PA to become insignificant in the eyes of the Palestinians.
Even the PA’s advocates acknowledge that it has internal issues. The PA, led by Mahmoud Abbas since 2005, has been criticised for its perceived authoritarian, disconnected, and corrupt approach. There have been no parliamentary or presidential elections since 2006 when Abbas’s Fatah party, dominating the PA, lost to Hamas.
Notwithstanding his dedication to a diplomatic resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Abbas is still seen as the key Palestinian mediator for the global community. However, after many unfruitful years, many Palestinians view the PA as an enabler of Israel’s occupation.
In a survey conducted last year, the majority of Palestinians agreed for the first time that dissolving the PA would be beneficial to them. This sentiment has only grown stronger following the October 7th attack by Hamas on Israel. Abbas has been absent for a large portion of the war, wrestling with the opposing pressures of public anger over Israel’s aggressive attack on Gaza and the need to avoid conflict in the West Bank. The war has propelled the popularity of Hamas beyond Abbas’s Fatah.
A former PA official states that the global community understands that the Palestinian issue cannot be ignored. However, he laments that there isn’t a Palestinian side with the credibility or foresight to capitalise on this. This official also accuses successive Israeli governments, notably Netanyahu’s alliance with hard-right and ultra-religious factions, of systematically undermining the PA. Their only aim, he argues, is to prevent the formation of a Palestinian state.
Netanyahu’s ultranationalist cabinet members, like finance minister Bezalel Smotrich, are hardly subtle about their plans. Smotrich, who also holds a significant role in the defence ministry, is reportedly transforming the governance structure in the West Bank. He was caught on tape revealing to settlers his quiet adjustments, which see powers being transferred from military to civil officials in order to strengthen Israel’s hold without allegations of annexation. This information was captured by Peace Now, an Israeli non-profit.
“Preventing the fragmentation of the land and formation of a Palestinian state, and developing and settling the land, is our aim,” Smotrich is quoted. Cabinet ministers such as Smotrich and their views have been particularly influential among settlers. The inauguration of Netanyahu’s coalition in late 2022 saw a surge in settler attacks. The scenario worsened after a war in Gaza broke out post-7th October. The UN reports of 1,084 attacks on Palestinians by settlers since then, and even though the brutality has relatively subsided from its highest point, it has not ceased entirely.
In the recent past, there have been numerous assaults on Umm al-Kheir and other villages in Masafer Yatta in West Bank’s southern region, resulting in at least 27 Palestinians getting injured, as per activist reports. After a 14-year-old settler was slain in what was branded a “terrorist attack” by the Israeli military, one such harrowing incident saw settlers violently storming twelve communities near Ramallah. During one such raid in al-Mughayyir, one Palestinian was killed and 72 others were injured when a flood of settlers descended upon the town, launching bullets and stones, whilst also setting fire to cars and buildings. Amin Abu Alia, the town’s mayor, reported the attack resulted in damage to 50 properties, 27 of which were set on fire.
The home of Abdelatif Abu Alia, whose kin Jihad Abu Alia was fatally shot during such violence, was amongst the attacked properties. Just a few days following the assault, bullet holes could still be seen in the house walls, and shells of burned cars remained scattered amongst the olive trees by his entrance.
“The level of brutality has significantly escalated,” Abu Alia laments. “Not just in terms of the growing settler population…we initially faced dozens, and now they number in hundreds…they blocked the roads to ensure no help could reach us. They are becoming increasingly brutal.”
Settler representative, Simcha Rothman, a member of parliament and part of Smotrich’s Religious Zionism party, has rejected accusations of violence as nothing more than an attempt to stir up anti-Semitic sentiment. He fervently denies allegations of settler instigated violence, labelling it a “non-issue” and a fabrication.
Conversely, many argue that it is part of a larger strategy designed to force Palestinians from their territories. The United Nations reports that since the war began, settler aggression and restricted access has displaced 1,392 Palestinians from 29 Bedouin and herding communities.
Dror Etkes, founder of Israeli NGO Kerem Navot, alleges that these actions are meticulously planned and systematically executed on a daily basis. This is done, he says, to effectively establish new borders in the West Bank. He further suggests that these displacements are radically altering the on-ground reality and predicts further upheaval.
The surge in settler aggression, largely since October 7th, is accompanied by a stark increase in Israeli military raids within the West Bank. These raids follow a series of Palestinian attacks in 2022.
Israeli officials claim these interventions are preventive measures designed to eliminate potential militant hideouts in areas where the Palestinian Authority no longer operates. Despite this justification, the Palestinian death toll has reached a 20-year high. The UN attests that since October 7th, an estimated 536 Palestinians have perished at the hands of the Israeli military in the West Bank. Additionally, they cite 11 Palestinian deaths caused by settlers and another six by either the settlers or the military. During the same duration, Palestinians have reportedly killed 14 Israelis in the territory, inclusive of five settlers, nine soldiers and eight Israelis within Israel’s borders.
Philippe Lazzarini, the head of Unrwa, the United Nations agency for Palestinian refugees, likens the condition to a ‘silent war’. Drawing on his experience from a visit to Tulkarem following an Israeli raid, he describes the harrowing scene of destroyed houses, roads, and pipes, stating that it appeared reminiscent of a small-scale conflict zone.
In the aftermath of Hamas’s assault, Israeli authorities have heightened economic strain by prohibiting around 160,000 West Bank Palestinians who formerly worked in the country from returning. The authorities said this decision was vital to prevent potential attacks. Consequently, the economy of the West Bank has experienced significant challenges due to this decision and other widespread restrictions on movement in the locality. The economic output in the initial quarter of 2024 dropped by a quarter compared to the same period last year, affecting those who previously worked in Israel considerably.
Among these individuals is Ismail, a relative of Samamri, who was formerly employed by an Israeli removal firm. He claims that in his previous job in Israel, he could earn up to Shk400 per day, which was quadruple the average West Bank wage. However, ever since the conflict, finding job opportunities locally has been impossible. He faces the hardship of providing for his children, expressing his inability to afford basic necessities like milk, resulting in his resorting to goat milk which is not medically recommended.
Such pressure is causing concern among some observers who believe it might lead to a revolt mirroring the Palestinian uprising of the early 2000s. An Arab diplomat notes this underlining the devaluation of human dignity can be a trigger for anger and rebellion among Palestinians.
Up to this point, there hasn’t been a revolt, but disillusionment is growing rapidly among Palestinians due to increasing pressures, especially with the US and other nations arguing for the reunification of West Bank and Gaza under a reenergized Palestinian Authority (PA) post-war.
In an attempt to prove willingness for reformation, a new government, led by economist Mohammad Mustafa, was established by the PA in March. However, the appointment of someone so closely affiliated with Abbas left Arab states feeling discouraged and irritated, as narrated by a second Arab diplomat, because they did not see it as a sign of true intent to proceed with authentic reforms. Surveys also indicate that majority of Palestinians are sceptical about the changes leading to a revamp of the PA. Ismail Samamri points out the inability of the PA to pay wages and protect against attacks.
The Palestinian Authority (PA) continues to suffer from financial blows, primarily due to actions taken by Israel to control their resources. Before the war, a portion of the PA’s income from customs revenues was already being withheld by the Israeli authorities. This withholding increased substantially on October 7th when Smotrich, citing the allocation of funds for salaries and pensions of PA officials in Gaza as a reason, ramped up the deductions to 60% of the revenues Israel was supposed to transfer.
In May, Smotrich took a more drastic step by completely halting the transfer of funds, in response to the recognition of Palestine as an independent state by a number of European countries and actions taken by the International Criminal Court (ICC). The ICC’s prosecutor had pursued arrest warrants for Netanyahu and defence minister Yoav Gallant over the Gaza war. Smotrich recently permitted part of the funds to be released, however, he advised Netanyahu to consider claiming the entire West Bank if the Palestinians continue to pursue their ICC case and strive for an international acknowledgement of Palestine as an independent nation.
This situation appears to be a large-scale attempt at gaining unofficial control over a larger area of the West Bank. Critics, including Palestinians and international observers, argue that a gradual annexation process has been ongoing for years. Approximately 150 Israeli settlements in the West Bank are already home to half a million people. Recently, the Israeli government has indicated even more support for these settler communities.
Plans to expand existing settlements with the addition of thousands of new housing units were recently approved. Moreover, the security cabinet sanctioned the legal status of five settlement enclaves situated deep within the West Bank, which Israel itself considered illegal in the past. The Israeli government has even claimed over 23,000 dunams (around 23 sq km) of the West Bank territory as the ‘state land’, marking the biggest such claim since the 1990s. Land claimed as such is usually allocated to settlers – as evidenced by the Peace Now report, which reveals that 99.76 per cent of such land in the West Bank previously reserved for use had been given to the Israelis.
Looking at the current state of affairs, it’s evident that there is a profound determination to push forward an unofficial annexation of a significant portion of the West Bank,” observes Etkes. He calculates that the persistent issues of settler hostility, settlement spread, restrictions on access, and land confiscations have disconnected Palestinians from approximately 200,000 to 300,000 dunams since the 7th of October. “The focus is on strategically selected regions with the clear message that no Palestinian state will be permitted anywhere within the West Bank.”
Previously this year, several nations, including Spain, Ireland, and Norway, officially acknowledged Palestine in a delayed attempt to strengthen the PA. Others such as the US, UK, France, and Canada, have started imposing sanctions on aggressive settlers for the first time, emphasising their escalating frustration over Netanyahu’s inability to regulate the settlers. Palestinians, however, claim these actions are insufficient and untimely.
“Even with the most competent governors, Palestine will fail. That’s due to the PA’s defective structure,” explains Diana Buttu, a past adviser to Abbas. “They don’t have sovereignty. They lack their own currency. They have no control over their airspace or natural resources. They also don’t manage their imports and exports… It’s simply unfeasible.”
In fact, for numerous Palestinians in the West Bank, the hope for statehood disappeared long before the war. Subsequent to the tumult of the past nine months, their goals have become much more localised. “When I ascend the mountain and catch sight of Zanuta, I find myself weeping. My wife, too, sheds tears when she goes,” Faris Samamri confesses from his humble refuge in Shuweika. “It’s where my land is… where I was born. All I desire is to return.” All rights reserved – The Financial Times Limited 2024.