In this year’s municipal elections, an unprecedented 681 women vied for seats, marking a substantial rise from the 561 contenders in the election five years ago. Despite the amplified participation, there has been negligible progress in female representation in country-wide councils, with women securing approximately 26% of the 949 contested seats. This represents a trifling advancement from the preceding figure of 25%.
The council of Donegal County is infamous for displaying the worst gender disparity, with only three out of 37 elected councillors being women. The Mayo and Longford county councils also fare poorly, featuring female representation at just 10 and 11 percent respectively. Comparatively, South Dublin County Council leads in approaching gender equality, with women making up nearly half of the 40 elected councillors.
Ireland ranks a disappointing 22nd out of 27 EU member states on the local government level, indicating a clear deficit in female representation. Brian Sheehan, CEO of a non-profit called Women for Election, advocates for “drastic measures” to address this gender imbalance in local politics. His organisation is pushing for the implementation of a 40 percent candidate quota for parties contesting local elections, in line with the practice in general elections. Prof. Yvonne Galligan, a specialist in women’s political representation from Technological University Dublin, concurs that quotas have proven effective, using France as proof where local-level quotas resulted in a dramatic increase in female representation.
One roadblock to greater female participation in local governments is the high rate of reelection for incumbents, out of which the majority, typically men, retain their seats successfully. Sheehan pointed out that especially with the majority incumbents being male, it is challenging for women to “make rapid progress”. He clarified that they are not promoting voting for women simply because they are women.
People’s political success hinges on their own merits, we understand that… the ultimate decision lies with the electorate. Yet, the advocate of gender quotas argues that this measure is about creating equal opportunities. “Across our nation, there are countless competent women… they’re simply not afforded the same opportunities as men to participate in politics,” they state.
Professor Galligan observes that the route into the Dáil Éireann is paved through local governance. Consequently, she suggests, any political parties genuinely committed to boosting female representation at a national level should strive to augment the count of female candidates in local elections.
In Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, female candidates comprised 25 per cent and 29 per cent respectively. Out of those elected, Fianna Fáil had a 21 per cent female presence, which extended to 26 per cent in Fine Gael.
It’s patently evident from these elections that neither Fianna Fáil nor Fine Gael are earnestly striving towards enhancing representation, Prof Galligan underscores. “Both parties fell short of surpassing the 30 per cent female representation,” she comments.
Other political parties demonstrated a more gender-balanced slate of candidates. The Social Democrats led with female representation at 51 per cent of their candidacy. They were closely followed by the Green Party who had 50 per cent women candidates, Sinn Féin at 44 per cent, Labour at 41 per cent, People Before Profit and Aontú both had 40 per cent. The right-wing Irish Freedom Party and Ireland First fielded 26 per cent and 38 per cent female candidates respectively.
Independent Ireland nominated a meagre seven women, which constituted just 13 per cent of its hopeful election candidates.
Increasing gender parity in government is fundamentally about enhancing our democracy, suggests Sheehan. “The evidence consistently highlights that having more women at the helm of decision-making leads to more effective governance,” he states.