Out of Ireland’s 13 European Parliament representatives, ten are seeking re-election. Question is, how have they performed and what milestones have they accomplished over the previous five years?
An MEP’s effectiveness is significantly influenced by the political affiliation they identify with. In the preceding term, the parliamentary majority was usually held by the centre-right European People’s Party (EPP), the centrist Renew, and the centre-left Socialists and Democrats (S&D). The EPP was the party of Fine Gael’s five MEPs, while two from Fianna Fáil sided with Renew. The Green party has two representatives, while Chris MacManus, Luke “Ming” Flanagan, Clare Daly, and Mick Wallace identify with the Left group.
Among the broader network in Brussels, Daly (Dublin) and Wallace (South of Ireland) are the most recognised, but also the most debated Irish MEPs. Both have made public statements that have been perceived as supporting authoritarian regimes in Russia, China, and Iran. They have attracted criticism, particularly for their perceived appeasing stance on Russia following its incursion into Ukraine in February 2022. Daly, who actively supports dissident republican prisoners, has additionally faced backlash.
Despite critics painting a negative image of Wallace and Daly, their efforts are appreciated by their fellow Irish MEPs, even those who differ politically. Daly is notably credited for her pivotal role in European Union discussions on the Israeli-Gaza conflict.
As members of the smaller Left grouping, their influence on converting legislative proposals into EU laws is limited. But they’ve made their presence noticeable through speeches in the parliament, later shared as videos to their substantial social media audiences.
Using the number of speeches delivered as a gauge, they were among the most active Irish MEPs. Wallace delivered 613 speeches, while Daly gave 534. Fine Gael’s Seán Kelly from South Ireland made 431 speeches, ranking third, according to ParlTrack, a site that tracks EU legislation.
While time spent speaking is one way to judge an MEP’s effectiveness, much of their work is not done in the parliamentary chamber. Legislation is often drafted outside of parliament, and an MEP may spend up to two years as a lead rapporteur on a particular law, tirelessly negotiating and revising in order to get it passed.
One such MEP is Ciarán Cuffe, a Green Party member from Dublin, who gained the respect of his colleagues during his previous term. Cuffe was the key negotiator on a newly established law regarding the performance of building energy. The law mandates that EU nations reform sections of their housing that are the least energy efficient, while stipulating minimum energy usage standards for commercial structures.
Kelly, an MEP since 2009, played a pivotal role in passing this legislation. As the lead representative for the EPP on this law, Kelly confessed he was shocked by the level of opposition from within his own group. Overcoming several compromises, he noted that there was a concerted effort to contest climate-related legislation by the EPP’s leaders in the final year of term. It proved highly challenging to persuade the centrist MEPs to support the proposed law.
Kelly proudly stated that he was able to convince enough group members for the law to pass. Fine Gael MEP, Frances Fitzgerald, who is not vying for a re-election, was commended for her pivotal role in a law aimed at curbing violence against women. The outgoing Fine Gael MEP Deirdre Clune had a major part to play in the EU’s artificial intelligence work, while her party colleague Colm Markey, who is also not running in this election, was appreciated for his well-informed approach towards policy details throughout his tenure.
The parliamentary term saw the adoption of several significant pieces of policy, with the migration pact being one of the most consequential. This legislation, years in its creation, marks an extensive reformation of asylum laws. It introduces a harder line towards asylum seekers across the European Union, quickly processing certain claims and endorsing the detention of individuals at border facilities until their cases are evaluated.
Enacted officially in mid-May, each country was allocated a two-year period to introduce the revised policies into their systems. Representatives from the Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil parties supported the initiative. However, leftist Irish MEPs along with Grace O’Sullivan of the Green Party opposed the majority of the proposed procedures.
The Digital Services Act also marked another momentous legislative development, providing the European Commission with increased control over large online platforms and social media ventures. The Act, which was fully implemented in February, has led to the initiation of investigations by the EU into Meta and TikTok concerning issues related to online safety. Any detected violations of these new regulations may result in severe financial penalties, amounting to up to 6 per cent of the offender’s overall global revenue.
The term’s most publicly noted policies were potentially Ursula von der Leyen, the Commission President’s, environmental forerunner reforms aiming to reduce EU emissions by 50% by the close of the decade. The Nature Restoration Law, a hallmark measure of these reforms, faces uncertainty even though it gained parliamentary approval. Despite initial compromise on the legislation, mandating an EU commitment to regenerate 30% of natural habitats identified as being in poor state by 2030, it was later obstructed from formal ratification by Italy, Sweden, the Netherlands, and Hungary.
Barry Andrews from Fianna Fáil (Dublin) primarily focused on international development and foreign affairs in his parliamentary tenure, while Billy Kelleher (Ireland South) has been recognised for his effective work in dealing with economic and agricultural policy.
Indeed, being somewhat prominent in the public eye did not play in favour of Fine Gael’s Maria Walsh, representing Midlands-North-West, who transitioned to her role as an MEP devoid of prior political know-how. The Rose of Tralee 2014 champion prioritised mental health and LGBT+ policies during her tenure, but despite her efforts, she failed to truly make her mark, as observed by one parliamentary peer, reflecting feelings shared by many acquainted with the performances of Ireland’s representatives in the European Assembly.
Among Irish MEPs, none had quite the bewildering first week that Chris MacManus of Sinn Féin experienced, coinciding with the early realisation of the Covid-19 pandemic’s seriousness across Europe. The former Sligo County Council member ascended to the vacant Midlands-North-West post, following Matt Carthy’s election to the Dáil in February 2020.
Setting foot in Brussels on a Monday, MacManus officially assumed his parliamentary role the following day, only to be advised to head home the day after as European nations began considering lockdowns. His debut six months as a parliamentarian were spent in a repurposed bedroom in Sligo, an alteration that he admitted ‘complicated the learning process’.
The move to virtual collaborations eliminated impromptu in-person conversations before or after meetings and casual interactions like social interactions were missing. These off-hand discussions often present vital opportunities to create a bond with fellow MEPs and could make or break the ability to garner backing or contest for an amendment or law at a later stage. Despite his initiatives, MacManus’ efforts to introduce an EU law to guarantee stronger rights for cash transactions did not materialise by the end of the term.
Luke “Ming” Flanagan, an independent MEP for Midlands-North-West, joined the parliament in 2014 with deep-seated scepticism towards the EU. However, after serving two terms, his appreciation towards the positive influence of the union had considerably increased.
Flanagan pointed out that the public’s distrust towards Brussels often resulted from national politicians using the EU as a scapegoat for their own policy shortcomings. The blame for certain farming and environmental decisions, he remarked, was unfairly attributed to Europe when the actual culpability lay with the Irish Government.
During a significant portion of his tenure, a conflict with his former staff member, Diarmuid Hayes, cast a shadow. Hayes departed under hostile circumstances and was later able to create a misleading post on the politician’s Twitter account, suggesting that Flanagan had been on the hunt for photographs of ex-Green Party nominee Saoirse McHugh swimming naked. The post was made late in the evening in September 2020 and Flanagan explained the next morning that his account had been compromised. It wasn’t until Hayes was held accountable for his actions in September 2023 and apologised in February, that the politician from Roscommon was completely exonerated.
[Ex-aide to Luke ‘Ming’ Flanagan handed community service sentence for tweet about ‘skinny dipping’]
Flanagan, despite partaking in the reforms of the farmer subsidy under the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), felt obliged to keep a low profile until the legal procedures concluded.
The constant pilgrimage to the European Parliament imposed a considerable burden on O’Sullivan, a Green MEP from South Ireland, a single mother and a caregiver for a child with special needs. “Being in the Seanad allowed me to manage as I merely had to travel to and from Dublin,” she commented.
During her tenure, she championed EU legislation on soil quality, a feat that will have an impact on the next five-year mandate. Her greatest revelation, she opined, was the necessity to form alliances to accomplish tasks given the fluid nature of the parliament in contrast to the Government-versus-Opposition structure of the Oireachtas.
O’Sullivan further added that those who choose to align with extreme views on either side of the spectrum risk isolation and an inability to effect the change they strive for. “Insistence on shouting and screaming in the plenary equates to alienation and ineffective communication,” she said.