John Moran, former civil service officer, now running as an independent for Limerick’s first direct mayoral election, observed that the Irish governance system responds effectively to crises but falls short when it comes to managing success. He drew his conclusions from the past two decades, which commenced with a financial crisis and ended with the pandemic and a dramatic rise in energy costs, correlating with a significant spike in employment and a severe housing problem.
Moran believes the government successfully executed plans to recapitalise the banking industry, prepare for Brexit and sustain the economy during Covid, but pointed out a regrettable failure to plan for population growth and economic expansion. This apparent neglect resulted in infrastructure deficits in transportation, housing, and healthcare.
He suggests a fear of overspending within the Irish system, citing past experiences of the Celtic Tiger period and the National Children’s Hospital incidents. The recently published report by the Housing Commission underlined the policymakers’ ‘risk aversion’ as a significant concern.
Moran firmly believes there was a crucial need for additional investment in housing at a much earlier stage in order to keep up with the 750,000 jobs created since 2014. He regrets that anticipating such growth wasn’t possible when he was in charge in 2014, but argues it should have occurred in 2016 and the following years.
Moran blames the then government’s inability to construct public housing, which drove them to reject potential private funding. He criticises the predominant concept that it is possible to fulfill Ireland’s housing demand solely via governmental funding as impractical.
Moran, an individual with a background in law and banking, was raised in Limerick but relocated in the 1980s to work in various places like New York, Sydney, and subsequently, Dublin. In 2010, Moran chose to pursue his career with the Central Bank as the head of wholesale banking supervision. A year later, Moran shifted his path to the Department of Finance to primarily oversee the rescue mission of the then deteriorating banking sector.
Between 2012 and 2014, Moran secured the position of the Secretary General of the department. He was closely associated with former finance minister Michael Noonan, who acknowledges Moran’s contribution in numerous decision-making processes. Further, Moran held a place on the board of the European Investment Bank from 2013 to 2018, and governed the Land Development Agency (LDA) from 2019 to 2021.
Speaking about the Limerick mayoral election, which is scheduled for June 7th, the same day as local and European polls, Moran pointed out that this fresh style of election is quite unusual in Ireland. The citizens generally elect their local councillors, who in turn elect the mayor. According to the new laws, the upcoming Limerick mayor will be entrusted with multiple executive duties such as planning strategic development, managing housing and construction, conducting road transport and environmental services. However, the mayor will have no authority over areas like policing.
The newly elected mayor, with a yearly salary of €154,000, will be endowed with a team of up to five council staff, and an annual budget of €8 million for the execution of mayoral plans and strategies. The most pivotal role the mayor will play, though, will be proposing the €1 billion annual budget for the Limerick City and County Council.
As Moran highlighted, “It’s hard to find another politician across the nation who would be instantly granted the power to direct the usage of Government funds.” Essentially, the victorious candidate will be automatically awarded an executive role rather than a representative one.
The mayor is set to acquire a pen in the coming few months, and should the development of the Bruff enterprise centre be a priority of the mayor’s, based on their electoral assurances, they are thereby authorised to state – amidst allocating the €300 million budget used in Limerick – that if they could locate unutilised funds amounting to approximately a quarter of a million either by performing cuts on another scheme or increasing the efficiency of something else, they could allocate this money towards the development in Bruff, according to his declaration.
Moran is adamant that Ireland is excessively centralised, providing minimal opportunities for policymaking at a local level. In contrast to Denmark where local municipalities, councils and mayors spend close to 60-70 per cent of treasury funding, only a mere 10 per cent is utilised in this manner in Ireland, he purports.
He further criticises the concept the Irish government can afford to build all homes in Ireland on their own, labelling it an impossibility. Moran expresses exasperation over the magnitude of decisions being made within government departments. He suggests that he would abolish the Department of Rural and Community Development and allocate its annual budget of €430 million amongst local bodies.
The decentralisation of decision-making could possibly aid in reducing Dublin’s extensive economic control, according to Moran. He suggests that if mayors were elected directly in other areas of the country, the economic division could potentially be more measured. The rubber-stamping of the idea of mayoral votes by significant personalities in Limerick such as the Rubberbandits, the rugby player, Paul O’Connell and several non-governmental organisations largely contributed to the approval of this proposal in Limerick, against the voters of Waterford and Cork who opposed it.
The discussion about electing mayors directly, specifically with regards to Dublin, seems to vary. Critics argue that the adoption of such an initiative is unlikely to be successful in Dublin due to the city’s substantial economic share. The central government would be hesitant in relinquishing such immense power, they argue. Nonetheless, they question, if London can effectively adopt such a model, why not Dublin?
What is Moran’s proposed contribution if he is elected?
The first order of business for him would be to enhance the housing objectives for the county. At present, the annual housing goal for both Limerick city and county stands at 2,000, with the realisation rate falling below 1,000. He plans on increasing this aim to exceed 3,000. In his capacity as mayor, he would allot land for these amplified objectives, recognising that there is capacity for thousands of residences in areas such as Moyross, Colbert Quarter and Southill.
“While constructing all the houses immediately may not be feasible, the possibility to procure all required land is definitely viable”, he suggests. He emphasises the capacity to obtain planning permission within three years for the construction of thousands of flats, alongside installing necessary infrastructure like pipes and roads.
Moran harks back to his role in the sale of Bank of Ireland’s shares to American investors Wilbur Ross and Prem Watsa during the peak of the financial crisis in 2011.
“The moment the market realised that our numbers made sense, the entire dilemma encompassing Ireland was resolved instantly – this was because they had faith in our objectives,” he recalls.
He firmly believes that if housing demand is matched with realistic goals and a proper implementation strategy, people will feel at ease, leading to a decrease in housing prices.
His mayorship campaign centred primarily around his finesse in successful project conduction. He is of the opinion that the State should saturate the market with affordable rental homes, possibly prefabricated homes, prior to initiating permanent construction.
With respect to student housing requirements for Limerick and the wider State, he suggests the utilisation of private infrastructure funds for deriving necessary finances. This draws a parallel to how investors have historically built toll roads, bridges and tunnels like the Limerick tunnel here, managed them for a certain duration for return on investment before the assets are returned to the State.
At a recent discussion concerning housing at the Technical University of Shannon, where several mayoral candidates participated, there was a unanimous stand on the requirement of more housing but differing views on whether the LDA could make it happen.
Addressing the topic of leaving LDA in 2021, Moran denies his departure but acknowledges clashes related to his employment contract, management, and the agency’s funding, which initially was a mere €300 million and, in his words, grossly inadequate.
Clearly, the situation is not solely related to accommodation. Moran highlights a lack of sufficient job opportunities in Limerick, despite it being home to two universities churning out graduates. To boost employment, a strategic alignment between agriculture and the food sector could be beneficial, along with an enhanced promotion of tourism, exploiting the county’s offshore wind potential, and implementing a larger emphasis on industries such as manufacturing and IT.
Moran has been advocating for strategies aimed at bolstering Limerick’s economical sectors, such as AI, IT and manufacturing, while maintaining a ‘Limerick-first’ perspective.
Recently, to sidestep any potential conflict of interest rumours, Moran chose to vacate his positions on the Shannon Airport Board and the Limerick Economic Forum. This trend also extends to local roles he held with the University of Limerick Foundation and the Hunt Museum, in an attempt to maintain transparency.
The battle for the Limerick mayor role sees fifteen candidates, including Independents Helen O’Donnell and Frankie Daly, Sinn Féin’s Maurice Quinlivan, Fianna Fáil’s Dee Ryan and Fine Gael’s Dan Butler. Although no official polls offer insight regarding potential voting behaviour, Boyle Sports positions Moran as the front-runner.