Politico’s report on the “victories and defeats” in the distribution of European Commission roles named Ireland as a champion. The latest assignment given to Michael McGrath thrusts him into the forefront of Europe’s essential challenge against non-liberal Governments. He succeeds the outgoing Belgian representative, Didier Reynders, who endorsed consumer rights and legislative supremacy. Reynders, with an illustrious political career, served in four different ministerial positions, including finance and foreign relations, as well as occupying the designation of deputy prime minister.
Juxtaposing this, Eoin Drea despondently magnifies the appointment as a regress, and categorises it amongst the list of negatives in our affiliation with the European Union. He surmises this indicates how Ireland has deteriorated.
However, he overlooks that Ireland deftly negotiated a Brexit agreement addressing many of its urgent issues, nearly met success in winning the European Banking Agency in 2017 (fell short to France on a coin flip), landed the ECB chief economist’s spot (2019) and bagged the euro zone’s presidency for another term (2022). Several other prestigious positions such as European Ombudsman, chief of the European Court of Auditors, executive director at the European Medicines Agency and president of the European Court of Human Rights are occupied by Irish citizens.
Dublin’s inability to procure the anti-money laundering authority is owed more to European People’s Party politics than anything else — Drea, being a part of it, should know better.
It’s true that the number of fresh Irish graduates entering European institutes is a concern and the Government indeed has to intensify its efforts to ensure a stronger stream of Irish individuals employed in the commission and elsewhere across the union. Roughly 10% of Irish employees in the EU are younger than 40. Change is undeniably happening within the EU, and Ireland must strategise for what it means for us. It is entirely erroneous, however, to assert that the state has reverted to its standard role of “harmless humanitarian”.
While Michael McGrath’s position will largely depend on his abilities and efforts, as European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen stated in parliament in July, “Europe can’t rein in autocrats and instigators globally, but it has the option to safeguard its own democracy”. The responsibility now rests on McGrath’s shoulders.
It’s vital to underscore this point: during the previous term, safeguarding the principles of law and democracy in Europe was a central concern of all conversations on EU policies. The key focus was the dissidents, primarily Hungary and Poland, and foreign menace, with Russia and China being the main worries.
In the words of McGrath, “Justice and the rule of law form the underpinnings of Europe’s economic and democratic strength.” Consequently, von der Leyen asked him to incorporate a Single Market aspect in the rule of law report to address challenges that affect businesses, particularly small to medium-sized ones that operate across nations.
His function in consumer protection could potentially enhance the provision of cross-border services in fields such as telecommunication, insurance, and banking, which offer clarity and value for money.
Furthermore, Drea pointed out what he terms as “Fianna Fáil’s persistent innocuousness on European issues”. Instead of unfairly criticising politicians for adhering to their electoral pledges, Drea should recognise that Fianna Fáil achieved its most impressive European electoral outcome in two decades accompanied by substantial senior roles in the European Parliament. He should also understand that selecting a commission president is a crucial role of an MEP, rather than a transactional deal for political gain. Such an approach would naturally make people cynical about politics. He assumes and supports a notion that von der Leyen would allocate portfolios according to how MEPs from that country voted, rather than evaluating the merits of potential candidates.
This proposition lacks credibility, further implying that if von der Leyen assigns portfolios based on loyalty over competence, she’s not suited for her position.
However, it’s only fair to acknowledge that she has effectively led on some critical issues, such as the Covid-19 crisis and the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Nevertheless, her stance on Gaza has been a glaring leadership failure, particularly when compared to her response to Ukraine. She dealt with the International Court of Justice’s (ICJ) verdict on Russia’s potential involvement in genocide in its war against Ukraine honorably; however, she remained silent when the ICJ reported a “believable genocide” by Israel.
The integrity of international law and the authenticity of the EU’s stance on the issue are jeopardised. The lack of control over Israel has unavoidably resulted in the tragic loss of thousands of innocent lives in Gaza. I am not the only one expressing concern. Josep Borrell, the outgoing foreign policy head of the EU, often voiced his disapproval of her pro-Israel attitude.
McGrath has established himself as a formidable commissioner who employs his financial expertise in commissioner’s college dialogues on future policy orientation of the EU. His political prowess is currently unsurpassed, and we should consider ourselves fortunate to have our representation in Brussels by one of the most competent politicians of our time.
Barry Andrews is a Dublin representative in the European Parliament.