In the face of the ongoing conflict between Israel and Hamas, the majority of Gaza’s inhabitants only hope of escape is by way of the neighbouring territory, Egypt. This option, however, is typically a challenging and costly process, necessitating a payment, in the thousands of dollars, to an Egyptian firm with the capacity to place Palestinians on an approved travel roster for border crossing.
This hefty fee, combined with a rampant famine situation in Gaza and a seemingly ceaseless Israeli military action, has led many Palestinians to resort to desperate attempts at fundraising via digital platforms, such as GoFundMe. A poignant example of this was illustrated by Dr Salim Ghayyda, we learnt from his post in January this year. After receiving a distress call from his sister in Gaza about their father’s seizures, Ghayyda, a paediatrician based in northern Scotland and originally from Gaza, posted a plea for help on the digital platform. Even though his father survived, the episode made Ghayyda realise the urgent need to evacuate his family at any cost, a feeling that must resonate among many Palestinians desperate to escape the harrowing conditions of their homeland.
Gaza’s ambassador to Egypt, Diab al-Louh, stated in an interview that around 100,000 people have fled Gaza in the previous eight months, some being fortunate enough to forge ties with foreign entities or governments. Still, for many Palestinians, the only escape route out of Gaza seems to be through a firm called Hala, seemingly closely affiliated with the Egyptian government. The future of this potential exit route hangs in the balance, particularly following the Israeli military’s Rafah offensive against Hamas and subsequent seizure of the crossway in May. Since then, no Palestinians have been permitted through the crossing, and its reopening time remains uncertain.
Individuals residing in and out of Gaza, desperate to escape or help their loved ones do so, reveal that other exit strategies are available, though they demand exorbitant payments. A common method is to engage unofficial intermediaries, either within the enclave or in Egypt, who charge between $8,000 (€7,500) and $15,000 per person in return for organising their swift exit. This grim picture was painted by four Palestinians who either made the payment or attempted to.
Hala’s coordination fees for exits are reported to be $5,000 for the majority of individuals above 16 and $2,500 for those under 16, as per the testimonies of seven individuals who have availed of their services or attempted to do so. However, Palestinians linked with global organisations and governments, bearers of foreign visas or passports, the injured, and some students going to study abroad were not obliged to pay hefty fees. Yet, the vast majority of the over two million residents of the enclave do not fall within these exemptions.
Contradicting the popular charges, Ibrahim al-Organi, a stakeholder in Organi Group that recognises Hala as one of its own, claims that the company offers free travel for children and $2,500 for adults. According to al-Organi, these fees are justified due to Hala’s “VIP” service standards, in addition to rising operational costs occasioned by war.
Al-Organi, a financier known for aiding the Egyptian government in the battle against extremists in the Sinai Peninsula, reportedly keeps tight relations with influential Egyptian officials, based on the accounts of three anonymous individuals well-versed with the situation, who sought anonymity due to their work in the region. Al-Organi refutes allegations of unjust profit-making from his connections.
A resident of Deir al Balah, who lives in a beachside tent in the central Gaza city, voiced his distress at being financially exploited during a particularly difficult time, equating his experience to dealing with war profiteers.
Compelled by circumstance, a 48-year-old man found himself having no alternative but to engage with Hala. The individual, who shoulders the responsibility of financially supporting his spouse and seven children, indicated his necessity to amass $37,500. In his effort, he has only managed to secure $7,330 on a GoFundMe campaign to date.
Registering with Hala entails a convoluted process, demanding people to navigate through perplexing bureaucracy. The policies of the firm require having a family member personally visit their Cairo office for registration, coupled with a payment condition mandating the use of $100 bills minted post-2013. This information is backed by accounts from Ghayyda and three individuals familiar with the procedures of Hala. Al-Organi, however, rejected any notion of knowing these policies, arguing that scam victims might have made these payments via illicit brokers.
When Ghayyda went to Cairo in February for the registration of his kin, he was joined by his 23-year-old son to abstain from carrying in excess of $10,000. By this point, he already had approximately $25,000. Commenting on the process, he described it as daunting, intricate, and fraught with uncertainty.
During a face-to-face conversation in his Cairo-based office, al-Organi expended considerable time and effort expounding on Hala’s operations, simultaneously downplaying his own role as being merely a minority shareholder. Hala, a part of the Organi Group conglomerate until recently, has disappeared from the group’s website. No clarification was provided by Organi Group following a query about this removal.
Anecdotal accounts from several Palestinians who utilized Hala’s services during conflict times dismissed the idea of a VIP experience, stating they were transported to Cairo in a minibus and provided with relatively basic meals.
Portraying Hala as an airport-tier tourism firm, al-Organi stated that Hala’s conception in 2017 was to offer upgraded travelling experiences for Palestinian travellers passing through Rafah. His oration painted a picture of the company’s objective as one of providing top-tier service, including VIP lounge access, breakfast, transportation to Cairo via a premium vehicle, comfort breaks and conveyance to their final destination.
Many Palestinians have utilised Hala’s transport services during the war, claiming that it didn’t provide any premium amenities. Hala transported them to Cairo in minibuses, and the food provided was basic. Al-Organi stated that the rising wartime demand for routes from Rafah to Cairo led to a company-wide price surge.
Al-Organi’s office bears a sizeable snapshot of a meeting with Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. Upon enquiring about Hala’s possible connections with the Egyptian government and the allegations of benefiting unfairly from contracts, Al-Organi strongly denied these claims, blaming Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated media outlets. The Muslim Brotherhood, an Islamist political faction, held the presidency in Egypt over ten years ago before Sisi and his military faction overthrew them.
During an April tour of Hala’s headquarters in Cairo, housed in a high-rise modern glass tower in the city centre, a queue of forty individuals clutching piles of photocopied paperwork and handfuls of cash were seen conversing in Palestinian Arabic about forex trends. They were patiently waiting for their chance to enter, as Hala’s personnel allowed them inside and more clients were dropped off by taxis or personal vehicles.
When confronted with the allegations made against Egypt in this report, the Egyptian Government referred The New York Times to prior statements made by Egyptian representatives, including Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry. Shoukry expressed his disapproval of Hala’s excessive $5,000 charges in an interview with Sky News in February, saying that Egypt would work on abolishing these fees. The Egyptian Government, however, was silent on its affiliation with Hala.
Cogat, a branch of the Israeli Defence Ministry that enforces government laws in the West Bank and Gaza, declined to elaborate on Israel’s involvement in the movement of Palestinians via the Rafah crossing. According to its website, Israel has facilitated the exit of foreign nationals and dual citizens from Gaza in collaboration with Egypt and the US. However, Israel has consistently barred Gazans from seeking asylum or transit in its territories.
GoFundMe issued a statement in mid-May 2021, stating that it had received over $150 million in aid for war-related fundraisers in Gaza, with approximately 19,000 initiatives being launched on its platform. Categories of these campaigns include medical aid, food, and evacuation processes.
The fundraisers are driven by friends, family and even people from their social circles, but you’ll also find individuals previously unknown to those organising the fundraisers. A Palestinian gentleman in his thirties, who had previously been inhabiting a tiny tent in Rafah, shared his reasoning for leaving. The poor sanitation conditions became unbearable. To maintain personal hygiene, he used a makeshift wooden stove to warm water, which he then moved into a plastic container and carried it into a room that only housed a toilet. His ‘showers’ were simply him dousing his body with the bated water, an experience he described as utterly undignified.
A GoFundMe campaign became his last recourse. His kin gathered upwards of $55,000 to whisk away 12 family members. A month prior, he had reached Egypt along with his family.
April saw Ghayyda, a paediatrician by profession, journey to Egypt once again, this time to join his parents, sister and nephew who had narrowly escaped Gaza in time for Eid al-Fitr.
Despite the wave of happiness he felt, he was fraught with worry. Strewn between Rafah and Gaza City were 28 of his kith and kin, and his parents were tasked with establishing a new life in Cairo, all while war prevailed. (He was able to orchestrate the evacuation of four more family members in May.)
“The joy is mixed with concern,” he voiced, “Seeing my parents, sister and nephew is everything, but my people still in Gaza consume my thoughts, and I won’t have any peace until I know they’re safe.” – This piece was previously published by The New York Times.
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