Despite the repeated affirmations of the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste that the election would transpire next year, the accumulation of indicators suggesting a late November ballot is mounting. If the ardent desires of all Leinster House dwellers were potent enough to sway a judgement, the election could be announced instantly.
Fiachra Ó Cionnaith from RTÉ, unveiled a curator picture disclosing heaps of Fianna Fáil’s election banners , encapsulated in transparent plastic, enunciating a motto that subtly mumurs “Moving Forward Together” and “With Whoever Will Have Us”.
With the election’s impending announcement, all political factions are dedicated to amassing as much funding as possible. Fine Gael loyalists have noted that the party’s lucrative Superdraw lottery has been rescheduled from December 5th to an earlier date. Furthermore, there is extensive preparation underway in the Government Buildings.
At present, Sinn Féin is in disarray, as reported by Jennifer Bray. The party is experiencing a crises, forcing a division from within, particularly apparent in Kildare.
A potential hint comes with the Late Late Toy Show shifting this year’s airing from the usual end of November scheduling to December 6th. Insiders say this was done to evade overlapping with any potential general election broadcast.
More signs include Fine Gael’s conspicuous promotion across Ireland. Their widespread banners and adverts have been spotted in various communities, promising fresh leadership in Kildare South with candidates Joe Neville, Evie Sammon, and Bernard Durkan. However, these candidates are indeed on the ticket for Kildare North, to the surprise of many.
The rushed vibe persists as Cllr John Paul O’Shea, the party’s representative in Cork North West, has appeared on advertising spaces in Listowel, the actual stomping ground of Billy O’Shea, Fine Gael’s real representative in Kerry.
Finally, in an audacious move, Minister for Higher Education Patrick O’Donovan has flaunted giant campaign billboards in Limerick, effectively dismissing the government’s insistence that the election will be held next year.
A large photo of Patrick O’Donovan TD, showing off a beaming smile, is making an impressive statement on billboards across Limerick, reminding its residents that he is their current Cabinet Minister. However, the next decision will be made in February.
In other political news, Senator Gerard Craughwell, known for his vocal opinions and background in the military, has been surprisingly quiet over recent allegations that a parliamentarian is working undercover for Russia. This topic has been of particular interest in the Upper House, more so than in the Dáil, and Craughwell, who once caused a stir by suggesting he could send out a group of stern Irish MPs to keep an eye on Russian naval activities in Irish seas, was expected to comment.
However, Craughwell seems to have other plans and is busily securing his reelection to the Seanad. Having been first elected to this independent group of senators in 2014, when a Fine Gael candidate withdrew amidst a political spat, he has successfully retained his position despite the challenges faced by those not attached to a major party in such elections.
His strategy includes keeping local politicians appeased as they control the voting process. This year, to garner their support, he invested in 940 lapel pins, made by Abbey Badges in Blackrock, and sent one to each council member. The design of these badges is unique, bearing the name of the council, its coat of arms, and an inscription of ‘elected June 2024′. They act as a symbol of acknowledgement and a souvenir, says Craughwell, and have been well received.
The senator includes a personal note with each pin, commending the recipients on their achievements and encouraging them, along with a summary of his profile for reference.
The next Seanad election might not be officially underway, but the campaigning has already begun. Craughwell, confident and assertive, assures us of his participation.
A twisty tale unveiled
From the numerous accolades Mary O’Rourke received posthumously, one of the intriguing came from Ivan Yates. He was the public enterprise spokesman for Fine Gael during Mary’s reign in the department.
Ivan, who appeared on his weekly podcast alongside Matt Cooper, was full of admiration for the political skillset of his former adversary. However his appreciation did not extend to her ministerial capabilities.
He decidedly aligned with Brian Joyce, ex-Chairman of CIÉ. Joyce had exited her administration, referencing “meddling” amongst other reasons.
When the shock news landed, a stunned Mary disclosed to Morning Ireland how she learnt about it. Ivan vaguely mentioned the sudden and mounting “pressure” that led Mary to confess to the nation that she learned about Mr. Joyce’s spontaneous, unanticipated resignation whilst “in the bath”.
Ivan recounted the scenario, taking delight in his bold involvement. He gloated about his excellent performance on the same radio show shortly after, pointing out that Mary, after talking about her shower, went straight into “harshly criticising Mr Joyce in a nearly scandalous manner”.
They had a tense encounter later on Prime Time, where she persisted in shredding Joyce while feigning ignorance about the resignation, virtually crucifying him.
Mary O’Rourke is not present today to deny his claims. However, her then-media consultant, Richard Moore, provides a more thorough chronology of the events. This intriguing narrative laden with drama and mystery has not been divulged until now.
The unforgettable incident of the bath and resignation took place on a Tuesday morning in 2000. The day before that, Monday, March 6th, Mary was scheduled to appear on RTÉ’s Questions and Answers.
The tumultuous relationship between her and the chairman of CIÉ, climaxing in myriad disputes over the execution and financing of the rail system and the body as a whole, would inevitably form a topic of discussion. Joyce, deployed to his role by Fine Gael in the year 1995, had been preparing to step down come November 2000. The liaison between them was perennially strained, with Mary relentlessly insisting on a discussion with the chief executive of CIÉ later in the week to address company operations.
Regrettably, the series had to be called off due to the tragic passing of the show host’s child.
Seen as a result of Mary O’Rourke’s incessant meddling, Brian Joyce had decided to step down. This news struck the Department with the force of a lightning bolt. Under normal circumstances, if the leader of a semi-governmental body planned to step down (or issue a strongly-worded censure), the standard protocol would be to alert the Minister’s office beforehand to anticipate an essential letter.
However, in this instance, as Richard Moore recollects, this procedure was utterly disregarded.
Instead, Joyce’s resignation letter physically appeared at the Minister’s office situated in Kildare Street, after 8pm on Monday evening, which ordinarily would have coincided with her time at RTÉ if the circumstances hadn’t altered. The resignation letter was received by a security officer, and the anonymous person who dropped it off didn’t bother explaining its importance to the Minister or the Department.
When Mary caught wind of it, in her shock, she promptly dialled her media adviser who rushed to join her at the office. Upon his arrival at 7.30am, he found Mary already seated at her desk, having given an account of the recent developments to Morning Ireland following the 8am news. Her decision to disclose the specific place she was when the staggering news reached her was later hailed by some observers as a tactical manoeuvre. Most only remembered her being in the bath when she received the news of the resignation, causing the story to soon lose momentum.
Then, in a twist of events, our attention returns to RTÉ.
If Q&A hadn’t been abruptly discontinued, Mary would have shared the panel with Jim Mitchell from Fine Gael. Swiftly, a notion formed within the circles of Fianna Fáil, echoed by Moore – the minister narrowly dodged a trap that evening.
It is inevitable that she would have found herself having to address her strained ties with CIÉ, responding as confidently as always, only for someone, perhaps the late Mr Mitchell, to question her competence as a minister given her chairman’s resignation, creating shock, confusion, and chaos.
A delightful final twist arises.
During the later hours of that fateful Tuesday, the then minister of state Mary Hanafin notified O’Rourke of a peculiar voicemail left on her mobile.
As Richard Moore recalls, the message sounded somewhat like: “Hello Ivan, I believe things have turned out well; let me know what more I can do.”
In those times, TDs were assigned sequential phone numbers. Hanafin’s and Ivan Yates’ numbers differed by only a single digit. In those days, Hanafin was accustomed to the odd bet on horses being left as a message.
Yates was both a bookmaker and a potential candidate.
O’Rourke saw this as the perfect opportunity. Her team transferred Hanafin’s recording onto cassettes with an intention to disclose it at an impromptu press conference that would cause quite an uproar, especially since the man who thought he was ringing Ivan Yates had disclosed his first name and shared a mutual animosity with O’Rourke.
But the decision was taken not to proceed with it.
Moore, later to establish a prosperous communications consultancy, speculated that this would add obscurity to the unfolding resignation narrative, already favouring his minister, and it might not be wise to revive Fianna Fáil’s past propensity for recording phone calls.
After some convincing, Mary decided to remain silent. For the woman in question, it was a significant sacrifice, but she faithfully kept her promise.