Dublin, a city frequently subjected to intense scrutiny, has once again been assigned a taskforce to refurbish its centre. This is far from being the first such initiative. Numerous individuals, sporting battle wounds from prior endeavours, could rightly claim to hold honorary qualifications in PR tactics.
So, what can be done to rescue Dublin? The implication of this query is that a certain group of individuals or entities have failed to perform their duties. It’s easy to point fingers at the common man, the government, or the local authorities of Dublin. Certainly, somebody else must hold accountability for Dublin’s tribulations. However, this is not entirely accurate.
Without a doubt, Dublin has about as much potency as an expired ham sandwich, which is not a mere viewpoint but a literal truth. One contributing factor is a reluctance to decentralise power, stemming from the formative stages of the nation when the inaugural Free State administration dissolved the Dublin Corporation, a move that showcased an extent of institutional centralisation that spawned weak local governance and numerous questionable planning verdicts.
In more recent times, the impact of the private sector in public matters has been highlighted. Businesses now have unprecedented access to power, which is starkly illustrated when one hears the grievances of a business leader calling for lesser regulation. The irony of such appeals, however, is the society’s enabling response to them. An example can be seen when Ireland decided to sell their national airline to British Airways’ proprietor without significant public objection. This is an echo of Professor Noam Chomsky’s sentiment that freedom is essentially a deference to the decisions of unregulated, centralised private power – a condition Ireland seems to have mastered.
As governments promote private dominion over public assets, and diminish the institutions of governance that permit public involvement in decision making, faith in the democratic process consequently suffers. When those marginalised by these actions are then pinned with the responsibility for their own predicament, feelings of anger and disillusionment rise. This leads some to align with far-right ideologues or conspiracy theorists proffering simplistic solutions. Such scapegoating helps people sidestep the complex task of developing a more equitable society, compelling them to shun the civic responsibility that is intricately tied to democratic health.
The consistent referencing of certain Dublin regions serves as a poignant example of a dysfunctional social covenant, though the connections are often overlooked. On eliciting my viewpoint on uncouth behaviour near North Earl Street’s Portal, I stated in my response to RTÉ that such rowdy conduct was not representative of Dublin’s populace – a fact. I, however, refrained from mentioning that the issues plaguing the northern inner-city area won’t be simply addressed by setting up an enticing piece of tech. Revamping errors of yesteryears, fuelled by long-term underfunding in critical public sectors such as education, health and housing, would require substantial financial investment.
In a society stricken with neoliberalism, the fringe citizens hardly receive any attention. That’s the usual case. On choosing a conservative government, we have renounced our onus to address concerns like mental health and addiction, leaving it instead to the criminal justice system’s care. Accusing the “officials”, we’ve stood by the reduction in local governance and other strategies that potentially deprive individuals of prosperity. Consequently, we point fingers at the very victims of these policies for their predicaments, such as the glaringly “poorer” outcomes for children residing in substandard housing exposed by the recent monumental ESRI research. We hardly ever acknowledge our own role in this destructive cycle. It’s plausible that certain Dublin denizens are simply too affluent to bother. The city, after all, boasts of one of the most lopsided societies globally, and it isn’t coincidental.
Although, Dublin’s despair is not beyond redemption. Renowned political scientist Michael Sandel encourages viewing ourselves not as consumers, but as citizens. A major hindrance to a politics that aims for common welfare is inequality. However, in Ireland, the mere suggestion of wealth tax is often equated with communism, rather than being celebrated as a humble stride towards equality. Currently, public debate lacks substantial space for common welfare.
Sandel views institutions like schools, parks, libraries, museums and community centres as “casual institutions of civic integrity”. With the glaring socioeconomic disparity in the United States, these once were sites of social interaction between various social classes, have now ceased to be so. He asserts, “The erosion of the public sphere poses a challenge to fostering the community spirit necessary for democratic citizenship. A politics that champions public welfare would uphold the need to reconstruct the pillars of community life”. This serves as both an advisory and a warning to Ireland about the potential negative consequences of not adequately funding public services.
This somewhat brings the appointment of David McRedmond as the head of the Taoiseach’s newly set up taskforce to revive Dublin, into perspective. McRedmond, a competent businessman and the CEO of An Post, was formerly associated with Waterstones. He acknowledges the significance of public sites like libraries and post offices and understands the government’s actual views on the capital. In 2013, it was proclaimed that a new library would be built in Parnell Square, but it has not yet been opened.
With a scant few months till the next general elections, the McRedmond-led taskforce has the duty to transform “Dublin city centre into a vibrant, appealing and secure city environment; and a sought-after place for residence, work, conducting business and tourism”. The task seems almost too optimistic to the point of being laughable and honestly, it’s uncertain whether the government has the time or the inclination for the task. The Taoiseach, however, has staked his reputation on it, thereby making it more than just another attempt at beautification.
Dublin can indeed be a paradise, however, it lies in our bravery to construct a community that encapsulates the innate kindness and justice of the Irish at their finest. This means we must be there for each other and advocate for those sidelined in society. It also signifies the need to build a political mechanism that functions effectively. For a decade now, Dublin’s inhabitants have been offered the prospect of a democratic vote to establish a directly elected mayor, a promise that has once more been delayed. Nonetheless, an opportunity is on the horizon to elect public servants to the City Hall and Brussels. We have genuine reasons to harbor skepticism about their future, BUT it’s crucial not to surrender to pessimism. If you hold the belief that all Irish children deserve equal treatment, it’s up to you to defend our natural landscape, rejuvenate our civil infrastructure, and help Dublin thrive. Make your way to a polling station this upcoming Friday to exercise your right to vote.
Trevor White, an author and the person behind the establishment of Dublin’s Little Museum, has a published work titled “A Little History of Dublin” under the banner of Merrion Press.