Catherine Martin is recognised for her advocacy for the arts throughout her ministerial career in Ireland. Her department spans various domains including culture, sports, tourism, arts, media, and the Gaeltacht — a portfolio that hinted at a lack of governmental focus on each area. Some suggest that having a specific ministry for arts and culture might have been her preference.
With such an extensive portfolio, finding the right equilibrium of focus and priority can be challenging. Still, it’s irrefutable that the RTÉ crisis should be high on the Minister’s agenda. The predicament threatens the survival of a crucial institution in Irish society and requires her to focus, scrutinise, keep her cool, and exert authority. She’s been likened to someone trying to get hold of a slippery bar of soap in her style of managing RTÉ, with every attempt to handle the situation causing the chaos to flee in another direction.
Being viewed as a senior minister of lesser gravity doesn’t matter until it impacts the department. Sometimes such evaluations are rooted in outdated ideas of leadership.
The public expectations for Martin to respond to accusations from the former RTÉ chairwoman regarding her ‘hands-off approach’ grew. The broadcaster may have ‘intentionally misstated’ revenue findings by the Public Accounts Committee, while new board member assignments were being finalised.
The Ministry, under Martin’s leadership, certainly hasn’t been idle. Amidst the pandemic, decisive action was fundamental to assist artistic institutions and individuals whose income and future came under strong pressure. Funding for the Arts Council jumped from €75 million in 2019 to €134 million in 2024. She’s credited with establishing the Arts and Culture Recovery Taskforce and for initiating several pilot schemes that boosted cultural activities. Martin’s Basic Income for the Arts has been transformative. Granted her effective contribution to this area, she is deemed a quiet radical.
Who would believe that someone capable of effective policies in some areas would fail randomly in others? Yet, this appears to be the case.
Up until 2020, the complications from RTÉ were directed at the Department of Communications, however the issue now lies solely in Martin’s hands. From when these chain of calamities began last year, Martin has never quite seemed secure with the situation. What some may view as composure, could be construed as being removed and perhaps feeling overrun. It’s apparent this perception wasn’t merely complaints from various political party and news reporters seeking sensationalism.
It has been fascinating to see how Ní Raghallaigh has been perceived across the wider industry. There’s an undertone of reverence when she’s discussed. Siún Ní Raghallaigh, the fresh ex-chair of the RTÉ board, has meticulously dissected Martin’s record and her management of, and comments on the RTÉ dilemma, incorporating some of her comments from the committee hearing in the Oireachtas last week. Overlooking other accomplishments during her term, if a verdict was drawn based on Ní Raghallaigh’s extensive declaration, it’s challenging to envision Martin’s continuity in her Minister post.
Indeed wounded by the tarnished relationship with the Minister and her dismissal means, such a slight wouldn’t go unnoticed even by those without pride, Ní Raghallaigh’s drive for sharing her side of the story seems linked to frequent calls for accountability and transparency. At this point, Martin has more at risk. Her side of the story has to hold up. But why does it seem to be sliding?
Up to now, Martin hasn’t justified the ouster of Ní Raghallaigh as a beneficial, rational or even reasonable move. No one is without flaws, however it’s indisputable that RTÉ has bid farewell to an influential leader in Ní Raghallaigh. Her shoes are now filled by the former managerial head at KPMG and current ESB chairman, Terence O’Rourke, appointed in an arguably hurried manner.
O’Rourke’s rapid installation is at odds with what seems like an urgent plea to the Minister from last year to readily proceed with filling the remaining board seats, as Ní Raghallaigh elaborated in her Monday statement.
Given the frequent criticism RTÉ often receives from both the film sector and its own workers, Ní Raghallaigh stands as an exception. Even within an organisation that regularly has internal disputes, the judgement of Ní Raghallaigh is usually one of respect, this is quite unusual, and worth noting.
There have been times when Ní Raghallaigh has made mistakes, such as when she had to apologise to Martin for not informing him about asking Dee Forbes, the former director general, to resign. But even this, shocking as it was, didn’t seem to affect Martin’s esteem for Ní Raghallaigh, who he commended for her quick response when irregularities in payments were found. Furthermore, Ní Raghallaigh has continually expressed her support for current director general, Kevin Bakhurst, an attitude not typically shared among RTÉ employees.
However, Ní Raghallaigh’s nonchalance towards the remuneration committee’s role in approving exit packages was perceived as unrealistic, later drawing criticism. Journalists were inclined to dig deeper, especially after Rory Coveney’s exit from the organisation was described as a resignation. The inconsistency came to the fore when it was discovered that an exit package followed his resignation, leading RTÉ to ambiguously state that Bakhurst had clarified the matter earlier, which in fact he had not.
The contentions around former CFO Richard Collins’ exit package put Ní Raghallaigh, as well as the Minister and the department in a fix. The issue seems less about Ní Raghallaigh’s transmission of the news and more about how it was interpreted by the department. The crucial question is: if the department was aware of the situation, what exactly was Ní Raghallaigh supposed to do? What was her fault?
Despite having been privy to certain information prior to two ministerial meetings, she failed to enlighten the Minister, an action which Ní Raghallaigh later clarified. Surprisingly, this led to a sequence of ministerial actions which eventually made Ní Raghallaigh’s role untenable. The rationale behind this sequence of events is not entirely clear.
However, the undercurrent here suggests a successive set failure not solely borne by Martin, but by consecutive ministers and regimes. The reluctance to adopt a forward-thinking funding model for RTÉ has been long-standing. If this issue had been resolved years ago, it would have at least provided some sense of stability. governmental inability to manage the numerous governance failures and rampant financial misconduct at RTÉ is debatable. If even the board seemed or was prevented from having oversight, how then could the department, Minister or even the Government do so? Yet overhauling the funding model is a key issue that this government is expected to tackle. Their approach so far, however, appears to be reflective rather than proactive.
Between 2011 and 2016, the spotlight was on the Public Service Broadcast Charge. Pat Rabbitte, in 2012, was vigorously criticising the shortcomings of the licence fee model. A string of reports and public consultations were subsequently carried out. A resolution came in 2019 when it was proclaimed a broadcasting charge would supersede the licence fee in 2024. In September 2020, the Future of Media Commission was recognised and by July 2022, the commission produced a comprehensive report containing explicit recommendations for the funding of RTÉ.
As all this unfolded, the Broadcasting Authority of Ireland transitioned to Coimisiún na Meán, and the Irish Film Board evolved into Screen Ireland. New sectors such as film and television streaming saw a massive boom, with podcasting emerging as a massive industry. Entire media landscapes rose and fell, while government after government apparently wavered.
It is of little consequence whether Martin is perceived a key player in the Cabinet until it becomes significant.
In regards to this, how many additional reports are necessary? How many times must the Dáil debate this? How many Oireachtas committees must deliberate over this issue? How many interventions, deviations, brilliant and disastrous ideas, and media dialogues must transpire before the Government fulfills their responsibilities?
The ongoing controversy did not generate the current situation. The funding framework of RTÉ has been a consistent topic of debate throughout the careers of numerous individuals involved in the media industry. Those involved in television and film are fully aware of the exhaustive, relatively stagnated feeling associated with the term “development.” However, arguably the most enduring and exasperating process has been modernising RTÉ’s funding approach to suit the 21st century.
The impression was that a progressive approach was finally looming in RTÉ’s future under the leadership of Ní Raghallaigh. We’re referring to someone who played a founding role in TNaG, which later transitioned into TG4, and presided over its board for ten years. She was also the head honcho of Ardmore Studios in Wicklow, and spearheaded the establishment of Troy Studios in Limerick, serving as its CEO. Recalling 2018, Ní Raghallaigh’s statement about the abandoned Dell factory that eventually became Troy Studio’s hub did reflect her foresight: “Where others saw a dilapidated construction, I saw a production studio, I saw sets.” By August the following year, Troy had caught the attention of NBC’s production Nightflyers and was set on a path to becoming Ireland’s premier studio. Now, that’s true visionary thinking.
So, where is the Minister’s vision? Or that of RTÉ? And how long will it take before this vision becomes crystal clear?
Presently, we’re stuck amidst ambiguity. Martin’s last fortnight’s efforts are merely causing interference, a self-inflicted conflict. In times of disorder, harmonious stability was indeed necessary. The Minister appears to have instigated this turmoil pointlessly, an odd twist deviating from the core narrative as noted by journalist Laura Slattery. Thus, the question persists: why?
If the Minister fails to address this, coupled with Ní Raghallaigh’s damning claims of Martin’s detached and unreachable behaviour (claims that we find plausible unless Ní Raghallaigh suddenly opts for a bridge-burning disposition), it raises questions about the Minister’s continuity. Martin’s insufficient statement issued on Monday evening did little to instil confidence or rebuff the issues raised by Ní Raghallaigh.
In light of recent events, it seems Ní Raghallaigh’s own professional mishaps since becoming chair have contributed to the breakdown in communication with the Minister. There is debate over whether Catherine Martin, the Minister, was frequently communicating directly with RTÉ’s board chair, as implied by Ní Raghallaigh’s statements. If she wasn’t actively maintaining this dialogue, then what was commanding more of her attention?
Ní Raghallaigh asserts that she only had a scant few meetings with the Minister after assuming her position as board chair. In a recent Dáil session, the Taoiseach testified that Martin and Ní Raghallaigh met 11 times in nine months. Two of these meetings coincided with the week of the Minister’s Prime Time expose. It is not clear when and where the remaining meetings occurred, nor if they were extensive. Were they in-person meetings? Telephone calls? Or mere run-ins at the local bus station? This uncertainty is significant, as it presents a pressing discrepancy between the Minister’s and the ousted board chair’s statements.
In the past couple of weeks, I’ve often heard people within the industry asking why Martin didn’t simply reach out to Ní Raghallaigh before the television appearance. Why did she not cancel her Prime Time slot instead, so as to rectify the problem before speaking out in public? While this approach might have stirred a bit of drama, it would likely have led to less fallout than the current situation. If for some reason, the Minister was unwilling to act in this way, why did she not assure Miriam O’Callaghan that she had faith in the current chair and hope that any misunderstandings can be resolved at their next meeting? Why, with several crises looming, did she chose to undermine Ní Raghallaigh’s position?
Yet again, the RTÉ’s predicament should have been Martin’s main concern. If she wasn’t habitually interacting directly with the chair as Ní Raghallaigh claims and having all the discussed meetings, then what else commanded more of her time?
This entire episode has transformed from being a compelling watch to an endless ordeal. If Martin fails to promptly rectify this chaos, and dismantle Ní Raghallaigh’s statement supported by truth and evidence, she should then consider her role’s longevity. If it doesn’t happen, it will not be attributed to her perceived adequate crisis management or fairness in taking action against Ní Raghallaigh, but rather the government’s unwillingness to witness the downfall of a Minister, creating instability within the Green Party who is a coalition ally.
Tuesday saw the government uniting to support the notion that Martin’s position is secure. However, it’s simply a political game. A Minister indicating subtly at different points that a body, its board, and executives are not efficient, holds no merit when she herself seems ill-equipped at present.
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