At the England-Ireland game this Saturday afternoon on Lansdowne Road, four individuals will find themselves exposed to the fickleness of public sentiment, owing to their fresh assignments. Both football managers, Heimir Hallgrímsson and Lee Carsley, will be experiencing this from the sidelines. The Irish Taoiseach Simon Harris, who’s only been serving for 151 days, and the UK’s Prime Minister Keir Starmer, having just 64 days experience at 10 Downing Street, will be encountering this from the stands.
Up until now, both political figures have handled their roles well. Starmer’s first meeting with an international leader happened on July 17th at Chequers with Harris, where they enjoyed a beer together, captured in pictures. This meeting sent a clear message to his own ministers and internationals: the rapport with Ireland is significant once more. Though it may not be the top priority for London, it nonetheless remains crucial.
Public opinion on Anglo-Irish relations over the past ten years varies. Some believe it hit rock bottom, while others feel it wasn’t the darkest period, pointing to even worse times during the Troubles. Nevertheless, relationships have transformed.
“They’re quickly getting better,” reveals Prof Jon Tonge of the University of Liverpool, an expert in Anglo-Irish affairs. “Things are certainly heading in a positive direction. The improvement started before Starmer, it’s worth noting, since Rishi Sunak was viewed as a moderating influence. From the abyss of the Johnson/Truss era, they’ve improved remarkably. The thing about the Guinness at Chequers might be cliche, but it symbolizes a fresh approach.”
Reflecting on the past ten years, a multitude of politicians and individuals in power have taken note of David Cameron’s partial interest in Anglo-Irish affairs. Theresa May, though respected as being fair and ethical in her negotiations with Ireland, is perceived to have made poor decisions due to her political fragility, with her reliance on the Democratic Unionist Party.
Rishi Sunak, Starmer’s immediate predecessor, exhibited a lack of proficiency in handling diplomatic relationships of any nature, although his attempts were considerable. In his tenure, he contributed to the Windsor framework, worked on revising the Northern Ireland protocol in 2023 (which is part of the wider EU-UK Brexit agreement), and played a role in easing tensions.
A predominant consensus among the parties involved in the supervision of Anglo-Irish relations on either side of the Irish Sea is a shared detestation of Boris Johnson. In the words of a British insider, Johnson’s apathetic attitude towards the Irish and his blatant disregard for the protocol were evident. They further claimed that Johnson’s approach to the Anglo-Irish relations was generally dismissive.
On the other hand, not all blame is laid on London. Certain seasoned figures discreetly suggest that the Dublin government under Leo Varadkar and Simon Coveney occasionally displayed an unnecessarily harsh tone. An insider from Ireland confirmed that Brexit warnings were issued and faults were spotted, but their tone was perceived as overtly hostile.
Dominic Grieve, the erstwhile British Attorney General and head of the British-Irish Association, portrays the relationship between Ireland and Britain as a serious concern for the Irish, while it appears to be given less priority in the United Kingdom. Grieve, a critic of Brexit who was ousted from the Conservative party, believes this lack of attention is costly for the United Kingdom as it is preoccupied with other matters.
Contrastingly, the Labour party’s leader, Starmer, holds a deep interest in Ireland and a profound comprehension of its matters. This is undoubtedly attributed to his tenure as a part-time human rights adviser to the Northern Ireland Policing Board from 2003 to 2007. His appointment of Hilary Benn, now 70 and a significant player politically, as the Northern Ireland Secretary of State is a “revealing” move, according to some closely acquainted with the Anglo-Irish affairs today.
A distinct shift in the relationship was evident during the meeting at Chequers where both Harris and Starmer mentioned discussing the Belfast Agreement “as co-guarantors”. Since 2010, use of the term was sparse in the British discourse, indicating a feeling of “disownership” of the 1998 agreement, which informed the Conservative’s approach to it, as reported by a past official.
The absence of this term in the joint statement released by Enda Kenny and David Cameron after their meeting at Downing Street in March 2012 is noteworthy. This meeting took place when the Anglo-Irish relations were at their prime following Queen Elizabeth’s visit to Ireland the previous year. As per one source, “the reason being, they often considered it as Labour’s agreement, not their own – albeit an emotional perspective, but substantively relevant.”
Significant evidence of strained relationship was the visit of the US President Joe Biden to Belfast in April 2023 to commemorate the 25th anniversary of the Belfast Agreement during his four-day trip. Theoretically, the gathering should have encompassed Biden, Sunak, and Varadkar, however, the then Taoiseach Varadkar was not invited. Seemingly irked, Biden met with Sunak briefly over coffee, his contempt was palpable.
Currently, the question hovering is about the future direction of the Anglo-Irish relations, surpassing the optimism that is anticipated to follow the meeting at Farmleigh before Starmer and Harris move towards Lansdowne Road. A dozen years ago, a work plan was agreed upon in Downing Street by Kenny and Cameron.
A previous official noted that while the merits of the British-Irish Council shouldn’t be overstated, it did offer frequent opportunities for high-ranking officials to connect. However, a significant issue persists. Rory Montgomery, a previous Irish diplomat, noted that regardless of its administration, the UK’s commitment to the Belfast Agreement institutions hasn’t been as strong as Ireland’s.
The British-Irish Council, celebrating its 25th anniversary, represents several regions, including Dublin, London, Belfast, Edinburgh, Cardiff, as well as the Isle of Man and the Channel Islands. However, it has struggled with visibility. The smaller governing bodies view the council as a chance to forge relationships and build networks, a rare opportunity. Dublin, Edinburgh and Cardiff have responded positively, while Stormont’s engagement has fluctuated.
London, on the other hand, has been largely uninvolved. Gordon Brown has been the only British prime minister to attend a full council meeting in the past quarter-century, with the exception of Rishi Sunak who attended a dinner. Montgomery addressed the issue, stating that while structures can be beneficial, they don’t address the challenges of involving busy politicians.
Montgomery also noted that the bonds formed over decades by British and Irish officials within the EU networks in Brussels will never be replaced by the British-Irish Council or Farmleigh summits.
Both Dublin and London currently look forward to a period of stability for Northern Ireland as both the Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionist Party have agreed to sustain power sharing and keep the Stormont parliament operational following numerous disagreements.
For the time being, Dublin has delayed proceeding with its European Court of Human Rights objection against the UK’s Northern Ireland Troubles Legacy Act. However, most in Dublin now believe that a court proceeding is unlikely, given Keir Starmer’s promise to overturn the contentious legislation created by the Conservatives providing British soldiers immunity for crimes during the Troubles.
The relationship between the UK and Ireland has shown both its inherent weaknesses and potential in the past decade. Despite tensions, both London and Dublin have capitalized on available opportunities, such as the 2019 agreement between Varadkar and Johnson resulting in a post-Brexit deal for Northern Ireland, and the subsequent Windsor framework under Sunak last year.
Whilst the efforts to strengthen ties between the two capitals have not seen much progress, it’s noteworthy that Harris and Starmer, who find themselves in a meeting at Lansdowne Road today, are the inaugural leaders from Ireland and Britain in the past ten years to enjoy a relatively unobstructed field to play on, devoid of the strains brought by Brexit.