The ongoing destruction in Palestine has reignited the demand for an academic ban on Israel. This is not merely a reflection of campus demonstrations or the historical tendency of student activism. It’s rather an examination of the fundamental principles that academia incorporates and opposes.
Back in 2004, Palestinian scholars implored their international counterparts to institute a boycott against Israel in opposition to the muzzling of Palestinian education. Although the boycott movement has seen an increase in support, academic alliances have simultaneously rewarded the Israeli occupation. Over €1 billion in research funds have been granted to Israel by the EU. It is intended that these monies be utilised for non-military, civilian applications with the resulting technologies aimed at serving individuals, societies and respecting human rights, and high ethical standards, free of any form of autocracy. However, Israel’s two most prominent arms manufacturers, Elbit Systems and Israel Aerospace Industries –alongside universities aiding the occupation– have all been beneficiaries of this funding.
Academics themselves are not expected to exclude Israeli colleagues from academic forums or cease collaboration on research and publications.
In Ireland, Dublin City University (DCU) is at the helm of EU-GLOCTER, a counter-terrorism initiative of the EU that affiliates with two Israeli partners: Reichman University and ICT. The latter was jointly founded by an ex-head of Israeli espionage, while an annual meeting for Israel’s military and intelligence organisations is hosted by Reichman University.
In 2014, a social media propaganda application, aimed at activists and global news media, was created by the university in collaboration with retired Israeli intelligence officers. The app was inaugurated by Israel’s minister of strategic affairs and funded by Sheldon Adelson, a fervent Israel supporter and billionaire who reportedly gifted $100 million towards Donald Trump’s 2020 re-election campaign.
Many educational institutions have pledged to withdraw their investments from Israeli businesses operating in the occupied territories. Yet, refusing to monetarily benefit from the occupation is far from radical. In fact, the International Court of Justice states that all nations are duty-bound to refrain from providing support or aid that would uphold the occupation. Advocates for the boycott desire educational institutions to go a step further and completely shun Israeli academic entities. This proposition often sees opposition, as it appears to contradict the value of intellectual exploration.
However, this notion is flawed on two counts. First, the sanctions are aimed at institutions, not individual academicians. Scholars are urged to boycott Israeli institutions by avoiding participation in their organised conferences or engaging in collaborative research projects.
The current conflict in Israel has seen a significant impact on the educational infrastructure. According to the United Nations, over four-fifths of schools in Gaza have incurred damage or complete destruction. Advocates for boycotts are the ones truly preserving academic values, utilising non-violent boycotts as a group-based moral stance to express their discontent and urge for a change. The academic boycott concentrates on Israel’s stifling of Palestinian education and rebukes Israeli universities for their lack of human rights advocacy, as the Israeli education system has been noted by Human Rights Watch to perpetrate “discrimination at every level”. The challenges Palestinians encounter in education, from their early years to university, act as a succession of filters that exclude them from the system.
In the ongoing conflict, Israel’s attacks on Gaza’s educational facilities have been acute. As noted by the United Nations, more than 80% of the schools in Gaza have suffered damage or total destruction. All local universities in Gaza, a total of twelve, have received bomb attacks leading to either partial or complete destruction. For instance, Al-Israa University and its National Museum with over 3,000 artefacts were eradicated in a controlled explosion. Such incidents reiterate events from prior years: 2009 saw the complete destruction of three colleges and six universities due to Israeli bombings, while 2014 witnessed an attack on Islamic University and Al-Quds University which resulted in the tragic death of over 400 students.
According to Oxford University politics professor, Karma Nabulsi, the orchestrated attacks on Palestinian education indicate what she calls ‘scholasticide’ – a deliberate attempt to eradicate Palestinian education and learning. Israeli academic institutions’ complicity is vast and varied. Ariel University, among others, has been established on land illegally occupied. Archaeological societies engage in unlawful research in an attempt to alter historical truths and validate land seizures. Partnerships with weapons manufacturers allow Israeli universities to create technologies utilised against Palestinians, and subseqently marketed internationally as “battle-tested”.
Despite several universities pledging to abstain from investing in Israeli companies active in the occupied territories, the refusal to gain from the occupation is anything but groundbreaking. There’s a romanticised perception of academia as an honourable pursuit, celebrating learning and knowledge. This notion remains, despite universities largely operating as corporate entities and the fact that history of intellectual thought has been used to rationalise gross injustices, from the subjugation of women to slavery. However, many still hold onto the belief in the pursuit of academic knowledge and the ability of education to bring about transformative change.
Dr Refaat Alareer, a renowned Palestinian scholar and poet, used his creativity as a form of peaceful protest. He put together the compilation known as Gaza Writes Back, a collection of short tales focussed on the Palestinian struggle for justice. Much like those under oppression throughout history, Palestinians obtain strength and resilience through linguistic expression. In his final discourse, Alareer asserted, “I’m a scholar… the most potent weapon in my possession is a marker”. He declared his intention to use this marker against Israeli servicemen “even if it is the final act I undertake”.
Tragically, on the 6th of December, Alareer along with six of his relatives lost their lives in an Israeli bombardment. An attack four months later brought about the death of his daughter, son-in-law, and grandchild. The institution where Alareer passed on his wisdom of Shakespearean literature and creative writing, the Islamic University of Gaza, has been reduced to rubble through bombing. Its president, Sofyan Taya, also met his end in similar circumstances along with his family in December. Taya, who specialised in theoretical physics, was killed in an attack on the Jabalia refugee camp, his birthplace 52 years prior.
From 2005, Palestinian appeal to boycott Israel has been anchored on three core claims, all in accordance with international legislation: departure from the occupied territories and the dismantling of the barrier wall; absolute equality for Palestinian inhabitants of Israel; and the repatriation rights of Palestinian refugees. As scholars, our support of the boycott does not contradict logic. Rather, we are upholding it, as well as all academics.
Simply uttering platitudes about academic freedom and knowledge during graduation speeches isn’t sufficient. We must actively stand up to preserve these principles too.
Dr Eileen Culloty is a teaching fellow at the DCU School of Communications.